scholarly journals The Use of Multitrack Diplomacy in The Liberation Of 10 Indonesian Ship Crew From The Abu Sayyaf Group 2016

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 188
Author(s):  
Putu Ratih Kumala Dewi

Indonesia was again shocked by the events of ship hijacking and hostage-taking of 10 Indonesian ship crew by the Abu Sayyaf separatist group in the Southern Philippines. This is not the first time for Indonesia where its citizens are held hostage by separatists, but the success of the Indonesian government in releasing hostages from Abu Sayyaf's group is interesting to discuss because 10 Indonesian ship crew members who were hostages were able to be released less than 3 months after the hijacking, without ransom and without firing contact. So the question arises as to how Indonesia’s diplomacy strategy is in the release of 10 Indonesian ship crew from the Abu Sayyaf group? In answering the above questions, the writer used the concept of diplomacy, multi-track diplomacy, and peacemaking. The results of this study are the diplomacy strategy used by Indonesia is Total Diplomacy where in addition to running the first track diplomacy also runs second track diplomacy involving track two (non-governmental and professional actors) and track four (civilian population). Keywords: Indonesian Diplomacy, Abu Sayyaf, Multi-Track Diplomacy, Total Diplomacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Herdi Sahrasad ◽  
Al Chaidar ◽  
M. Akmal ◽  
Saifullah Ali ◽  
Nanda Amalia ◽  
...  

<p>Southeast Asia is a region that is vulnerable to terrorism. Of the total terrorism cases that occurred in the world, 50 percents occurred in this region. Mindanao is one of the regions in Southeast Asia that since a long time ago has been the basis of world-class terrorism. This situation is getting worse due to the presence of terrorist groups with a strong tradition of maritime piracy. The nexus between terrorism and piracy makes the issue of maritime terrorism in Southeast Asia a regional security concern. Abu Sayyaf Group is a terrorist group in the Southern Philippines that is very well-known but difficult to map. This makes the Abu Sayyaf a source of prolonged tension in the Southern Philippines in particular and in the Southeast Asia region in general. This study is a field observation that uses descriptive analysis to reveal the details of the Abu Sayyaf and the issue of terrorism in Mindanao.</p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-204
Author(s):  
Simon Philpott

Upon arriving at Denpasar airport in June 2000, I was greeted by an Australian friend who had recently married a Balinese man. The latter, within moments of our meeting for the first time, challenged me about my having been a UN accredited observer of the independence plebiscite in East Timor some ten months earlier. His was an impassioned if, in my view, not terribly well informed view of the torturous relationship between the former Portuguese colony and the Jakarta-based Indonesian government. My interlocutor insisted that East Timor's future ought to have remained an entirely Indonesian matter and that foreign involvement simply demonstrated the determination of the international community to break up Indonesia. The discussion proceeded as we made our way across the airport car park, and became even more heated when I suggested that it was important not just to consider former President Habibie's motivations for offering a plebiscite but also the record of Suharto's government in laying the ground for an East Timorese departure. Perhaps rather tactlessly, I suggested to my new acquaintance that he reflect upon the dreadful human rights record of the Indonesian military in East Timor. If a response was what I was seeking, I certainly found one. Wayan flashed back at me that he knew with certainty tales of human rights abuses were a lie concocted by hostile countries because the East Timorese had made clear their wish to remain part of Indonesia. Upon further pressing, he argued that the fact East Timorese school children sang the same songs as children from all over the archipelago was evidence of their love for Indonesia and their desire to remain integrated. I was somewhat nonplussed with this turn in discussion and rather unsure as to how to proceed. Could he, I wondered, really believe something that seemed so palpably absurd?


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Prakoso Permono

Filipina awal tahun 2019 diwarnai referendum di Filipina Selatan yang mengantarkan pada dibentuknya Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Konflik, instabilitas kawasan, dan perkembangan ancaman terorisme di Filipina Selatan khususnya dan umumnya di seluruh Filipina diharapkan berakhir dengan sebuah konsensus damai dan demokratis seiring terbentuknya pemerintahan transisi di BARMM. Harapan terciptanya perdamaian dengan keberadaan BARMM dalam tulisan ini dikaji secara spesifik dari salah satu kelompok teror yang berkembang di kawasan Filipina Selatan, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Keberadaan ASG pada mulanya merupakan dampak kekecewaan usaha perjanjian damai yang diinisiasi pemerintah dan kelompok teror terbesar saat itu Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), seiring dengan perkembangan waktu kelompok ASG bertransformasi menjadi sebuah kelompok kriminal dengan modus operandi penculikan dan permintaan tebusan, sekalipun tidak sepenuhnya meninggalkan posisi awalnya sebagai kelompok teror dengan kehendak separatis ideologis. Penelitian ini berusaha menjawab potensi dampak yang muncul pada ASG dengan dibentuknya BARMM di kawasan Filipina Selatan. Sayangnya opsi-opsi melemah dan bubarnya ASG yang disebabkan oleh keberadaan BARMM hanya dapat terjadi bila tercipta good governance dan penyelesaian persoalan dasar seperti kemiskinan dan potensi radikalisasi yang terus berkembang. Jawaban dari masa depan ancaman teror ASG di Filipina Selatan akhirnya tergantung seberapa besar penguasaan wilayah, penegakan hukum, dan pengentasan kemiskinan di Filipina Selatan.  Kata-kata kunci: Abu Sayyaf Group, Filipina Selatan, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Early 2019 in the Philippines was marked by a referendum in Southern Philippines which led to establishment of Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Conflict, regional instability, and terrorism threats development especially in Southern Philippines and generally in all over Philippines are expected to end with a peaceful and democratic consensus as transitional government has formed already in the BARMM. The hope of creating peace with the presence of BARMM in this paper is specifically examined from one of terror group in the Southern Philippines region, the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). The existence of the ASG was initially a result of disappointment caused by peace agreement efforts initiated by Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) the largest terror group at that time, along with its development the ASG Group transforming into a criminal group with kidnapping and ransom as their main modus operandi, but not completely abandoned its initial position as a ideological terror group with separatism agenda. This research seeks to address the potential impacts of BARMM establishment in the Southern Philippines region to the development of ASG Group. Unfortunately, the options to weaken and to liquidate ASG caused by the presence of BARMM can only occur if good governance is created and the basic problems such as poverty in the region are resolved. The answer to the future of ASG terror threat in the Southern Philippines ultimately depends on how much territorial control, law enforcement, and poverty alleviation process in the Southern Philippines. Keywords: Abu Sayyaf Group, Southern Philippines, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.


Significance Misuari’s faction of the MNLF has expressed little support for the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA), the interim government of the fledgling Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Before end-December, Duterte will also decide whether to seek an extension of martial law on Mindanao to help combat the Islamic State (IS)-aligned Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Impacts Ending martial law on Mindanao would lead to an increase in local attacks by communist insurgents as well as Islamist militant groups. Within the Mindanao island group, the Sulu archipelago will be at the highest risk of militant attacks. A lack of progress in rebuilding Marawi city will make the ethnic Maranao more hostile to the Duterte administration and Philippine army.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2006 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rommel C. Banlaoi
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 164
Author(s):  
Yance Arizona

The rise of transnational Islamist movements in Indonesia in the last two decades recurrences the old debate between Pancasila and Islamism. This kind of fundamental Islamic movements widespread with their conservative view and it has had detrimental effects on the Indonesian society’s social cohesion. President Joko Widodo seeks to revive Pancasila to confront this threat. This is not for the first time Pancasila is used by the Indonesian government to resolve the tension between Islamic values and nation-state principles. Both President Sukarno and Suharto also used Pancasila as a vehicle to discipline their political opponents. Adopting a non-essentialist approach to Pancasila, I argue that the return of Pancasila in recent years would be more complicated because of the narrative of Pancasila revivalism as an adversarial ideology is bounded by traditionalism and lack of progressive interpretation. Instead of locating Pancasila as the counterpart to Islamism, what is needed is re-interpretation of Pancasila as a unifying ideology.


ULUMUNA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-394
Author(s):  
Herdi Sahrasad ◽  
Adhe Nuansa Wibisono ◽  
Al Chaidar Al Chaidar

The main problem of Moro Muslims in Southern Philippines are now the right to self-determination but it also include poverty, underdevelopment, low education, unemployment, discrimination, and violent conflict. Upon the Spanish colonization for more than three centuries (1521-1898), the Moros were controlled by the United States for almost five decades (1898-1942). Japan colonised them for three years before they were integrated to the Republic of Philippines in 1946. Their struggle for independence still continues today represented by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), establihsed in the late 1960s and led by Nur Misuari, and by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led by Salamat Hasyim in 1981. The birth of the MILF was a response to dissatisfaction with the MNLF that was considered less assertive in fighting for Bangsamoro's rights and too accommodative to the Philippine government. In early 1990s, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) led by Abdulrajak Janjalani emerged to respond the situation. In later development, it rises to become a prominent group involved in a long-standing conflict and terror in this landmark of Southeast Asia region.


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