scholarly journals The Return of Pancasila: Political and Legal Rhetoric Against Transnational Islamist Imposition

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 164
Author(s):  
Yance Arizona
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Legal Rhetoric ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Conservative View ◽  
First Time ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
Islamist Movements

The rise of transnational Islamist movements in Indonesia in the last two decades recurrences the old debate between Pancasila and Islamism. This kind of fundamental Islamic movements widespread with their conservative view and it has had detrimental effects on the Indonesian society’s social cohesion. President Joko Widodo seeks to revive Pancasila to confront this threat. This is not for the first time Pancasila is used by the Indonesian government to resolve the tension between Islamic values and nation-state principles. Both President Sukarno and Suharto also used Pancasila as a vehicle to discipline their political opponents. Adopting a non-essentialist approach to Pancasila, I argue that the return of Pancasila in recent years would be more complicated because of the narrative of Pancasila revivalism as an adversarial ideology is bounded by traditionalism and lack of progressive interpretation. Instead of locating Pancasila as the counterpart to Islamism, what is needed is re-interpretation of Pancasila as a unifying ideology.

The role of pathos: from argumentative responses to feeling and emotions

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Meyer
Keyword(s):  
Short Distance ◽  
Social World ◽  
Legal Rhetoric ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
First Time

Chapter 10 is devoted to the role of emotions or pathos. Pathos was the term ordinarily used to denote the notion of audience. For the first time since Aristotle, emotions receive a full role in a treatise on rhetoric. The responses of the audience are modulated by its emotions. What is their nature and how precisely do they operate? The areas of political and legal rhetoric are examined here in the light of an original view of the theory of distance: values at greater distance become passions at short distance, and this is one of the features which demarcates politics from law. Law and politics are not merely argumentative, nor are they entirely emotional. The norms they codify are often implicit in their shaping of our mutual expectations and behavior in the social world.

From Institutional Racism to Community Cohesion: The Changing Nature of Racial Discourse in Britain

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 78-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Pilkington
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Institutional Racism ◽  
British Society ◽  
Racial Discourse ◽  
Community Cohesion ◽  
Nationalist Discourse ◽  
The World ◽  
First Time ◽  
Official Recognition ◽  
Equality And Diversity

It is imperative that an appropriate balance is reached between three key principles: equality, diversity and social cohesion. In many countries across the world, however, there is a discernible move away from a concern for equality and diversity as the problem of order looms larger. I shall focus here on Britain in presenting my central thesis that there is a very real danger that a new nationalist discourse centred on community cohesion and integration is trouncing any duties on us to promote racial equality and respect cultural diversity. The paper comprises three sections. I shall firstly identify a radical hour when there was for the first time official recognition that institutional racism existed in British society and some urgency that this needed to be combated. I shall secondly highlight the fragility of such progressiveness and identify threats from the changing nature of racial discourse since 2001. Here, I shall highlight in particular how the prominence given to institutional racism, with the publication of the Macpherson report, was remarkably short lived and how multiculturalism has come under increasing attack, not least because of its purported threat to social cohesion. I shall finally offer some tentative proposals for a more positive way forward.

scholarly journals Mapping Shia Muslim Communities in Europe

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yafa Shanneik ◽  
Chris Heinhold ◽  
Zahra Ali
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Muslims In Europe ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
First Time

AbstractThis article provides an introduction to the special issue onMapping Shia Muslim Communities in Europe.1 With six empirically rich case studies on Shia Muslim communities in various European countries, this issue intends: first, to illustrate the historical developments and emergence of the Shia presence in Europe; second, to highlight the local particularities of the various Shia communities within each nation state and demonstrate their transnational links; and third, to provide for the first time an empirical comparative study on the increasingly visible presence of Shia communities in Europe that fills an important gap in research on Muslims in Europe.

POST-GADDAFI REPERCUSSIONS IN NORTHERN MALI

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg Klute
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Regional Power ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Mode Of Life ◽  
Warrior Class

While utopias of (political) autonomy or an independent (Tuareg) state have for long been part and parcel of internal debates among Tuareg, it was only recently that the claim for independence was formulated to the outside world. A Tuareg state, Azawad, was even put into practice, albeit for some months only. A second characteristic is that there has never been a serious attempt at integrating all Tuareg, regardless of the country they are living in, into a unique nation-state. Is the 'national identity' of the respective post-colonial states so strong that it supplants the 'claim for independence'? Or is the pre-colonial form of political organisation among Tuareg, the regional drum-group (ettebel), still so vivid that it impedes the establishment of a state that would encompass all Tuareg? Apart from the independence movement MNLA (Mouvement National pour la Libération de l'Azawad) operating in Northern Mali, there are Islamist groups which fight for the spread of an Islamic mode of life. Some of these succeeded in recruiting Tuareg, particularly among the Tuareg of the Kidal region. The appeal of the 'Islamic claim' to the Kidal Tuareg goes back to their genesis as a political entity during the period of colonial conquest when the French installed a regional 'drum-group' within the framework of administrative chieftainship. As nearly all regional Tuareg claim descent from members of the Islamic army that conquered North Africa in the 7th century, regional power differs from power structures in all other regions inhabited by Tuareg. It is based on a double legitimacy: that of Islamic nobility, and that of the Tuareg warrior class. For several months, however, there has been ideological dissent among the Tuareg followers of the Islamic movements. This debate revolves around several issues, particularly the question as to whether or not the Islamic mode of life is to be limited to the sole region of Kidal. 

Fantasizing about Revenge

2019 ◽  
pp. 77-108
Author(s):  
Emily L. King
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
Poor Treatment ◽  
English Identity

Chapter three examines the relation between fantasy and civil vengeance through the figure of the vagrant. Insofar as vagrants are presumed responsible for major social problems, civil society justifies its poor treatment as retribution. Reading Jack Cade’s rebellion in Shakespeare’s 2 Henry VI, the chapter proposes that normative society’s fantasy of its own victimhood produces vagrant bodies that are constructed to withstand extreme forms of labor and punishment, and the resulting bodies then sustain an expanding nation-state. Thomas Nashe’s The Unfortunate Traveller, or the Life of Jack Wilton reveals the dynamic at work on the international stage in its attempts to define early modern Englishness against not only the Continent but also cosmopolitanism. While the impoverished vagrant offers social cohesion to normative subjects within the domestic project of nationalism, the affluent cosmopolitan vagrant and his eventual recoil from other cultures offers the fiction of a secure English identity.

scholarly journals Social cohesion, Twitter and far-right politics in Australia: Diversity in the democratic mediasphere

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 958-978 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Lewis ◽  
Philip Pond ◽  
Robin Cameron ◽  
Belinda Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
Strategic Manipulation ◽  
Television Programme ◽  
Broadcast Programme

The concept of ‘social cohesion’ has become an orthodoxy in governmental and academic discourse, augmenting the complex of progressive and liberal politics that have formed around the modern, multicultural and globally engaged nation-state. The reinvigoration of far-right politics is challenging this orthodoxy, at least inasmuch as these politics appear to be gaining traction through the strategic manipulation of increasing insecurity within these democratic states. This article examines these challenges conceptually and through an empirical case study. The case study examines the appearance in 2016 of Senator Elect Pauline Hanson on the ABC’s Q&A television programme. The article examines Twitter discourses that were generated around the far-right senator’s appearance on the broadcast programme. The article concludes that ‘social cohesion’ and its role in electoral, participative and deliberative democratic processes is a largely inadequate discursive buttress to the complex of language wars within which the concept is besieged.

New Rights for Old? Cosmopolitan Citizenship and the Critique of State Sovereignty

2003 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Chandler
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Focus Attention ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Global Citizens ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Cosmopolitan Democracy ◽  
Cosmopolitan Citizenship ◽  
First Time

Cosmopolitan international relations theorists envisage a process of expanding cosmopolitan democracy and global governance, in which for the first time there is the possibility of global issues being addressed on the basis of new forms of democracy, derived from the universal rights of global citizens. They suggest that, rather than focus attention on the territorially limited rights of the citizen at the level of the nation-state, more emphasis should be placed on extending democracy and human rights to the international sphere. This paper raises problems with extending the concept of rights beyond the bounds of the sovereign state, without a mechanism of making these new rights accountable to their subject. The emerging gap, between holders of cosmopolitan rights and those with duties, tends to create dependency rather than to empower. So while the new rights remain tenuous, there is a danger that the cosmopolitan framework can legitimise the abrogation of the existing rights of democracy and self-government preserved in the UN Charter framework.

DOMESTICATING IMPERIALISM: THE FASHIONING OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-204
Author(s):  
Simon Philpott
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
School Children ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
East Timor ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Car Park ◽  
First Time

Upon arriving at Denpasar airport in June 2000, I was greeted by an Australian friend who had recently married a Balinese man. The latter, within moments of our meeting for the first time, challenged me about my having been a UN accredited observer of the independence plebiscite in East Timor some ten months earlier. His was an impassioned if, in my view, not terribly well informed view of the torturous relationship between the former Portuguese colony and the Jakarta-based Indonesian government. My interlocutor insisted that East Timor's future ought to have remained an entirely Indonesian matter and that foreign involvement simply demonstrated the determination of the international community to break up Indonesia. The discussion proceeded as we made our way across the airport car park, and became even more heated when I suggested that it was important not just to consider former President Habibie's motivations for offering a plebiscite but also the record of Suharto's government in laying the ground for an East Timorese departure. Perhaps rather tactlessly, I suggested to my new acquaintance that he reflect upon the dreadful human rights record of the Indonesian military in East Timor. If a response was what I was seeking, I certainly found one. Wayan flashed back at me that he knew with certainty tales of human rights abuses were a lie concocted by hostile countries because the East Timorese had made clear their wish to remain part of Indonesia. Upon further pressing, he argued that the fact East Timorese school children sang the same songs as children from all over the archipelago was evidence of their love for Indonesia and their desire to remain integrated. I was somewhat nonplussed with this turn in discussion and rather unsure as to how to proceed. Could he, I wondered, really believe something that seemed so palpably absurd?

scholarly journals THE ROOT CAUSES AND NEXUS OF MILITANT ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS IN INDONESIA: CASE STUDIES OF DARUL ISLAM AND JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Sri Yunanto ◽  
Angel Damayanti
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Proper Strategy ◽  
Radical Movements

Many scholars believe that every religion has its peaceful interpretation as well as violent practices. Yet, this article elaborates more on the Islamic radical movements in Indonesia, particularly on the questions of what factors have triggered them to conduct such violence, how they linked each other and what action should be taken by the Indonesian government to counter-terrorism. To answer the question, the paper will focus on the ideology part and organization network of Darul Islam (DI) and Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), which shared similar ideology, network and methods of recruitment. Authors argue that ideology and organization become vital elements for DI and JI, in which the government, coupled with all stakeholders, should pay more attention if they want to eradicate violence in the name of religion. Although there is “no prescription fits all” in eradicating terrorism, the ability to understand the root causes and organization network of terrorism in Indonesia will help the government and all stakeholders to establish a proper strategy.   Key words: Counter-terrorism, salafi jihadism, Darul Islam, Jemaah Islamiyah     Abstrak   Banyak pengamat percaya bahwa setiap agama mengandung interpretasi damai sekaligus juga tindak kekerasan. Namun, artikel ini akan mengulas lebih banyak tentang gerakan radikal Islam di Indonesia, terutama yang terkait dengan faktor-faktor apa saja yang mendorong mereka melakukan aksi kekerasan, bagaimana kelompok-kelompok tersebut saling memiliki keterkaitan dan tindakan apa yang perlu diambil oleh pemerintah Indonesia dalam melakukan kontra-terorisme. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, paper ini akan menjelaskan ideologi dan jaringan organisasi dari Darul Islam (DI) dan Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), di mana keduanya memiliki kemiripan termasuk juga dalam metode rekrutmen. Penulis berpendapat bahwa ideologi dan organisasi merupakan elemen penting bagi DI dan JI. Oleh karena itu, pemerintah dan seluruh elemen masyarakat harus memperhatikan hal ini jika ingin memberantas kekerasan atas nama agama. Walaupun tidak ada “resep ampuh” yang dapat mengatasi terorisme, kemampuan untuk memahami akar permasalahan dan jaringan organisasi kelompok terorisme di Indonesia akan membantu pemerintah dan seluruh elemen masyarakat untuk menyusun strategi yang tepat.   Kata Kunci: Counter-terrorism, salafi jihadisme, Darul Islam, Jemaah Islamiyah

scholarly journals Between City and Nation of Sanctuary: Examining the Political Geographies of Asylum and Hospitality in Wales

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Franz Bernhardt
Keyword(s):  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
Territorial Unit ◽  
State Administration ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Refugees And Asylum Seekers ◽  
First Time ◽  
Critical Literature

In response to what has been called the European ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015, the Welsh Government committed that Wales should become the world’s first Nation of Sanctuary through building a culture of welcome and hospitality. This was an interesting moment given that Wales does not have direct responsibility for British borders. Considering the urban origins of the sanctuary movement, this was also the first-time a (devolved) state administration adopted this vocabulary to frame their relation to refugees and asylum seekers. What might it mean, in practice and in theory, for Wales to declare itself a ‘Nation of Sanctuary’? What are the theoretical and political imaginaries of sanctuary, national identity and hospitality at work in this context? What are their historical precedents? And how do they relate to political responses to the crisis across the UK and Europe? This thesis examines what the idea of a Welsh Nation of Sanctuary means, what it does, and how the discourses and narratives of a ‘Nation of Sanctuary’ provide new ways of revisiting the metaphor of hospitality, and its role in sovereign framings of migration. While the critical literature on migration and the sanctuary movement explored the limits of hospitality as a framing response to the exclusionary politics of asylum, this thesis argues that this national sanctuary discourse is also used to challenge a sovereign nation-state on the expectations of what it entails to ‘be a host’ to refugees and asylum seekers. Drawing on semi-structured interviews, archival material and documents from the Welsh and British government, this thesis argues that this new national sanctuary framing creates a second othering. Here, a subnational or devolved territorial unit creates national self-imaginaries through a politics of differentiation against the sovereign nation-state, with regards to the exclusionary politics of asylum.

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