The Kurdish problem and its impact on the Iraqi-Turkish border agreements A Look at Contemporary and Future Dimensions

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Nahidh Mohammed Saleh
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Legal Justification ◽  
Arab States ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Of Self Determination

There is no doubt that the subject of this study is (the Kurdish problem and its impact on the Iraqi-Turkish border agreements) a "look at the contemporary and future dimensions", an attempt to examine the historical and legal justification of his question the right of self-determination offered Kurdish and international does not address a new event for students and specialists in the field of Iraqi- Or in the field of the Kurdish problem, but we have tried to expand the study of the conditions and historical developments experienced by the region in the post-World War I, which led to the fragmentation of the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of the Arab States in the Arab Mashreq

The United States and Self-Determination: Perspectives on the Wilsonian Conception

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michla Pomerance
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Autonomy ◽  
Conflicting Demands ◽  
The Right

Ever since the principle of self-determination entered the lexicon of international politics during World War I, American foreign policymakers have had to contend with problems revolving around that concept. The need to favor one or another claimant, each waving the banner of self-determination and invoking the “right to determine its own fate,” continues to present dilemmas, often extremely troubling ones, for U.S. decisionmakers. Examples from recent history come readily to mind. The entire post-World War II decolonization process entailed an endless series of such dilemmas, and even after formal decolonization was all but completed, such nagging issues as Katanga, Biafra, and Eritrea remained, not to mention the problems of South Africa, Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Indochina. Indeed, even within America’s own imperial domain, the United States was faced with the conflicting demands of the Puerto Rican nationalists and the majority of the Puerto Rican electorate, the claims of the Marianas as against those of Micronesia as a whole, and demands for cultural autonomy on the part of diverse ethnic groups.

The Sudanese Revolution of October 1964

1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Fadl Hasan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Advisory Council ◽  
World War ◽  
The People ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Traditional Institutions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Of Self Determination ◽  
Legislative Assembly

About 70 years ago, the Mahdist or Ansār state, in many ways a traditional Muslim government, crumbled under the fire of the Anglotional Egyptian cannons. On the condominium government that followed fell the task of pacifying the country and introducing western concepts of administration. All Sudanese attempts to defy foreign domination had failed completely by 1924. The British, the stronger of the two partners, had the lion's share in shaping the destiny of the country. Towards the end of World War II, the influential and educated Sudanese, like other Africans and Asians, demanded the right of self-determination. In 1946, in preparation for this, a sample of western democracy was introduced in the form of an Advisory Council. This Council, which was restricted to the northern Sudan, was followed two years later by the Legislative Assembly, which had slightly more powers. Although these democratic innovations were quite alien to the country and were introduced at a relatively late date, they were in keeping with traditional institutions. Until recently, the Sudan consisted of a number of tribal units where no classes or social distinctions existed and the tribal chief was no more than the first among equals; the people were therefore not accustomed to autocratic rule.

scholarly journals The Documentation of the World War I Armenian Massacres in the Proceedings of the Turkish Military Tribunal

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vahakn N. Dadrian
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Tribunal ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Entire Nation ◽  
Armenian Population

The deportation of the majority of the Armenian population from the Ottoman Empire during World War I and the massacres that accompanied it are of commanding interest. The paucity of scholarly contributions in this area, however, has impeded the development of interest in the subject, thereby contributing to the nebulous state surrounding the conditions that led to the disappearance of an entire nation from its ancestral territories. Some maintain that this nebulousness is compounded by the intrusion of political calculation.1 At issue is whether or not the disaster was intentionally organized by the Ottoman authorities, and whether or not the scope of Armenian losses bore any relationship to that intention.

scholarly journals Vojvodina - a region based on the Serbian ethnicity and its denial

2012 ◽  
pp. 259-273
Author(s):  
Drago Njegovan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
The Right

The issue of regionalism and the autonomy of certain areas is mainly related to the ethnic composition of the population. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina as a Serbian region in the Habsburg Monarchy was created back in 1690. It came into being 150 years later by the decision of the 1848 May Assembly. In a significantly different form, it lasted ten years as the Serbian Voivodship and Temisvar (Timisoara) Banat. In the next fifty years, a autonomous Serbian Vojvodina was just a dream. At the end of World War I the areas of Vojvodina, on the basis of the right to self-determination, entered the Kingdom of Serbia and thus became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, i.e. Yugoslavia. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina was then discarded. Some liberal politicians, supported by the Croats, tried to restore it in the interwar period but this option did not receive any support of voters at the elections. The illegal Communist Party politically promoted the idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina in a federalized Yugoslavia, which was achieved during World War II. At the end of the war, the autonomous Vojvodina remained part of Serbia, and according to the 1974 Constitution, it became a part of federal Yugoslavia. During the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the autonomy of Vojvodina within Serbia was preserved but recently, after the so-called democratic changes of 2000, domestic and foreign (EU and NATO) political engagement in Serbia has been more directed towards the greater autonomy of Vojvodina, and even its separation from Serbia, despite the two-thirds Serbian majority living in the Province.

scholarly journals Media role in the formation of public opinion towards the right of self-determination for Kurds in Iraq

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-241
Author(s):  
Hemin Majeed Hasan ◽  
Baqir Dawd Hussein ◽  
Kamil Omar Sleman
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
Structural Representation ◽  
Strategic Issues ◽  
University Teachers ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right ◽  
Social Components ◽  
The University ◽  
Right Of Self Determination

This research deals with the subject of the Kurdish media in relation to the right of self-determination, which the Kurds prepare for its central cause and struggle for it. The importance of this research comes from the importance of its basic components represented by the Kurdish media and the right to self-determination, where they combine the equation of influence and influence, which is the operator of the formative relations of things and designed in all human groups, including the community of the region, in addition to being one of the few Kurdish studies in this field, To cast its positive on the operators of the terms of reference.The aim of this research is to realize the levels of interest of the Kurdish media in the concept of the right to self-determination and its role in conveying its meanings and implications to the Kurdish individual, as well as to identify the mechanisms used by this media to convince the individual mentioned this right and activate his tendencies toward him.The research depends on the university teachers, in addition to their field dimension, because they are the most appropriate and the right to express opinions about such strategic issues and their details and implications, because of their knowledge, scientific, specialized and other structural participants, as well as their structural representation of various social components in the Kurdistan Region.

scholarly journals El derecho a decidir y el principio democrático

2016 ◽  
pp. 477 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Tudela Aranda
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
International Law ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Democratic Principle ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Of Self Determination

Decidida la independencia, las fuerzas políticas partidarias de la misma, tenían que encontrar la manera de poder encauzar sus aspiraciones. No teniendo cauce ni en derecho interno ni el derecho internacional, se busco ese cauce en el principio democrático mediante la construcción del llamado derecho a decidir. Un derecho a decidir que suponía, en esencia, reducir el principio democrático a un solo acto electoral, con reglas establecidas unilateralmente. En este artículo se pretende desmentir tanto la oposición entre principio de legalidad y principio democrático como la propia ortodoxia democrática del derecho a decidir. Junto a ello, se argumenta que en ningún caso resulta posible constitucionalizar, normativizar, un derecho de autodeterminación. Más allá de su naturaleza difícilmente compatible con la esencia de cualquier orden constitucional, las dificultades de fijar las condiciones concretas de su ejercicio, lo antojan imposible. No en vano, ningún ordenamiento jurídico del mundo lo reconoce.After having decided the objective of independence, the political parties in favour of this objective had to find a way how to articulate their aspirations. Since there is no legal way within the national or international law, the independence movement based their demands in the democratic principle by building the so-called right to decide. However this right to decide means to limit the democratic principle to a single electoral act, with unilaterally established rules and outside the existing legal framework. In this article we try to disprove both the supposed opposition between the rule of law and the democratic principle, as well as the supposed democratic spirit of the right to decide. Along with this, we will argue that it is impossible to constitutionalise the right of self-determination. The right of self-determination is opposed to the essence of any constitutional order, moreover the difficulties of setting the conditions in order to implement this right, and particularly, the definition of the subject, makes the application impossible.

scholarly journals Self-Determination in Regional Human Rights Law: From Kosovo to Cameroon

2011 ◽  
Vol 105 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dinah Shelton
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
International Law ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Human Rights Law ◽  
World War ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Of Self Determination

The right of self-determination has long been celebrated for bringing independence and self-government to oppressed groups, yet it remains a highly controversial norm of international law. From the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires after World WarI to the struggle of colonial territories for independence following World War II and the later dissolution of the former Yugoslavia, there has been an unavoidable conflict between the efforts of peoples to achieve independence and the demands of existing states to preserve their territorial integrity.

Self-Determination Today: The Metamorphosis of an Ideal

1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 310-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michla Pomerance
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Falkland Islands ◽  
World War ◽  
Recent Period ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Right Of Self Determination

“Self-determination”, the famous catchword of World War I, has become one of the most potent political slogans of our time. In its name battles continue to be waged, and no continent—and scarcely any country—is immune from its grip. The use of force within the most recent period alone in such diverse places as Grenada, Lebanon, the Falkland Islands, Afghanistan, Chad, Angola, Namibia, Punjab, and Kampuchea was related in some way or other to the issue of self-determination. Within the UN, self-determination is viewed by the majority as a kind of “supernorm”, a principle which has been lifted from the realm of politics and morality to the very pinnacle of legal rules. According to this perspective, even the linchpin of the UN Charter, the principle prohibiting the threat or use of force in international relations (Art. 2, para. 4), may be overridden in the name of the more sacred “right of self-determination”.

David Ben-Gurion

2018 ◽  
pp. 172-219
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shumsky
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
World War ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Continuum

This chapter concentrates on the first Israeli prime minister, David Ben-Gurion (1886–1973), and traces the continuum of his positions about the issue of Jewish national self-determination from before World War I until after the Holocaust. Before World War I, Ben-Gurion wholeheartedly supported the continued existence of the Ottoman Empire on the basis of a revised multinational blueprint that was based on his own assessment of “what is good for the Jewish people.” Furthermore, Ben-Gurion copied the idea of “decentralization” from the Ottoman context and made it a part of his vision for the future character of the Jewish state in Palestine as supported by him throughout most of the Mandate period.

scholarly journals ZUNR in the Struggle for Independence of the Paris Peace Conference in 1919

2016 ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
I. Datskiv
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Active Participation ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
Paris Peace Conference ◽  
Liberation Struggle ◽  
The Right

The article investigates the events that took place after World War I, and directly affect the fate of the West Ukrainian People's Republic. Particular attention is paid to foreign factors profound rethinking of the liberation struggle in 1918-1921. ZUNR diplomatic action in defense of statehood at the Paris Peace Conference is analyzed. The activities of Ukrainian diplomats at the conference, their attempts to protect the right to self-determination of the Galician Ukrainian are considered in details. It was the first outing ZUNR diplomacy on the international scene and the active participation of the Ukrainian delegation at the conference, along with the leading states of the world. It is noticed that in Paris the victorious powers regarded Ukrainian problem in the anti-Bolshevik aspect, relying mainly on Poland, Romania and Russia white than ZUNR.

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