scholarly journals The Genesis of Secular Politics in Medieval Philosophy: The King of Averroes and the Emperor of Dante

Labyrinth ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 209
Author(s):  
Sabeen Ahmed

In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philosophical analyses of "democracy" both at home and abroad. This is nowhere better articulated than in Jacques Derrida's Rogues, in which he describes Islam as the only religious or theocratic culture that would "inspire and declare any resistance to democracy" (Derrida 2005, 29). Curiously, Derrida attributes the failings of democracy in Islam to the lack of reference to Aristotle's Politics in the writings of the medieval Muslim philosophers. This paper aims to analyze this gross misconception of Islamic philosophy and illuminate the thoroughgoing influence the Muslim philosophers had on their Christian successors, those who are so often credited as foundations of Western political philosophy. In so doing, I compare the ideal states presented by Averroes and Dante – in which Aristotelian influence is intimately interlaced – and offer an analysis thereof as heralds of what we might call the secularization of the political, inspiring those democratic values that Derrida believes to be absent in the rich philosophy of the Middle Ages.  

Elenchos ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 151-177
Author(s):  
Michael Schramm

Abstract This paper argues that Synesios’ De regno is a mirror for princes and a splendid example of Neoplatonic political philosophy. It is based on Plato’s Politeia and its model of philosopher-kingship. Synesios makes his audience compare the current political reality with the ideal of the philosopher-kings, who are the image of the transcendent god in the political realm. In doing so he recommends political virtue in general, especially phronesis and sophrosyne. Particularly he argues for reforming the recruitment of military and civil officials with reference to Plato’s concept of friendship in the Politeia.


Author(s):  
Simon J. G. Burton

Samuel Rutherford’s Lex Rex remains a source of perennial fascination for historians of political thought. Written in 1644 in the heat of the Civil Wars it constitutes an intellectual and theological justification of the entire Covenanting movement and a landmark in the development of Protestant political theory. Rutherford’s argument in the Lex Rex was deeply indebted to scholastic and Conciliarist sources, and this chapter examines the way he deployed these, especially the political philosophy of John Mair and Jacques Almain, in order to construct a covenantal model of kingship undergirded by an interwoven framework of individual and communal rights. In doing so it shows the ongoing influence of the Conciliarist tradition on Scottish political discourse and also highlights unexpected connections between Rutherford’s Covenanting and his Augustinian and Scotistic theology of grace and freedom.


Utilitas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen McCabe

AbstractIn The Political Economy of Progress, Joseph Persky argues for seeing John Stuart Mill as a consistent ‘radical’ with much to offer modern ‘radical’ political discourse. In this article, I further this claim with consideration of Mill's political philosophy, as well as his political economy. Exploring Mill's commitment to radical reordering of the economy, as well as emphasizing his commitment to egalitarianism; his historically nuanced view of ‘the progress of justice’; and his desire for a transformation of social (and economic) relations allows us to see more clearly how Mill's radicalism was a specific species of socialism. That is, Mill's early radical enthusiasm for the ideals of ‘liberty, equality and fraternity’ is also to be seen in his later socialism. Recognizing his ‘radicalism’ as a species of socialism allows greater understanding of the depth, importance and ‘radicalism’ of Mill's desired socialist reforms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Marhaban Marhaban

This article describes the political philosophy of Ali Hasjmy in formulating the ideal Islamic state. Hasjmy is an intellectual who has produced many works in the topics of politics, literature, and culture that are very useful for the progress and welfare of the Acehnese people and the Indonesian nation in general. The main source of this research is the work and writings of Hasjmy which are directly oriented to politics and the concept of the state. By using analytical content, this article shows several premises on Hasjmy’s utopian visions, which are; First, Muslims should not be anti-politics due to its important in achieving the benefit of the people; Second, the existence of a Islamic state as mandatory; Third, an Islamic state does not have to exist constitutionally but what must exist as Islamic values in a state; Fourth, the importance of obeying the leader; Fifth, every official or government element is responsible for exercising power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Brzechczyn

The purpose of this paper is an interpretation of the social and political thought of the Solidarity movement in the light of the political philosophy of communitarianism. In the first part of the paper, the controversies between liberalism and communitarianism are characterized in order to outline the communitarian response toward the authoritarian/totalitarian challenge. In the second part, the programme of a self-governing republic created by Solidarity is interpreted in the spirit of communitarianism. I reconstruct the ideal vision of human being expressed in of ficial trade union’s documents and essays of Solidarity’s advisers e.g., Stefan Kurowski and Jozef Tischner, and the efforts of the movement for telling the truth about history and its vision of Polish history. Also, I interpret the programme of Self-Governing Republic adopted during the First National Convention of Delegates of Solidarity. In these programmatic documents of Solidarity, one may find ideas characteristic both of the communitarian and liberal political philosophy. However, the liberal ones—including, primarily, the guarantee of human and citizens’ rights, and of individual liberties—were subordinated to the postulate of reconstructing the national and social community. In the course of transformation after 1989, these communitarian elements of Solidarity programme, incompatible with liberal ideological agenda, have been erased.


KÜLÖNBSÉG ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikoletta Hendrik

The paper investigates changing ideals of stoicism from the perspective of political philosophy. In the early stoa, the sage was idealized, while in the middle and late period, the ideal of the prokopton became the centre of philosophical attention. In the argument I distinguish between two political models. In one of the models, sages have an actual role, while in the other they do not. In the second model it is only the ideal of the sage that helps create and maintain the political system most in harmony with natural law.


Author(s):  
Grzegorz Radomski

The research aim of this article is to analyze the ideo-political reflections of the publicists andactivists connected with the young nationalists movement in the 1930s on the background of the political philosophy included in the book by a Russian thinker Nikolai Berdyaev (1874–1948) New Middle Ages. The fate of a man in a contemporary world, translated by MarianReutt – idealistically and organizationally connected with the nationalist formation of the1930s the research ambition of the author is to show the idea of “new Middle Ages”, accentingthe meaning of collective ethics (Decalogue ethics) as a factor of social solidarity, which isnow called “civic religion”, which means values and rules fundamental for the conceptof a national country – in a shape dictated by the publicist of the “Myśl Narodowa” in theyears of the Third Republic. The author refers to the contemporary phenomenon of ideasecularization and the atrophy of the “civic religion”, which – as Berdyaev convinces – is anopportunity to manipulate the consciousness of an entity and allows for releasing in it a stateof uncritical adaptation of the politically dangerous offers (various forms of totalitarianism).Furthermore, in the face of the progressive dechristianisation and ateisation of the society,the postulates by Berdyaev and his young nationalist successors lose the value of usefulnessand are included into the catalog of the idealist system concepts, becoming an utopian versionof the democratic system.Key words: nationalism, political theology, New Middle Ages idea


2021 ◽  
pp. 459-476
Author(s):  
Tao Jiang

The Conclusion offers a reflection on the tragic fate of the Zhuangist idea of personal freedom in Chinese intellectual and political history. It scrutinizes the widely shared premise of self-cultivation, what the author calls the “regime of self-cultivation” in Chinese moral-political philosophy, among most classical thinkers including Zhuangzi, and explores its constraint on the development of personal freedom in the mainstream moral-political discourse as well as in the building of political institutions. In this respect, it was the fajia thinkers who built their theories on the givenness of ordinary human dispositions, instead of on the promissory note of moral transformation. The author reflects on a path that was not taken in Chinese history, i.e., the integration of the Zhuangist idea of personal freedom into the mainstream moral-political project in conceptualizing a polity that can accommodate the ideal of personal freedom institutionally.


Kant-Studien ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 557-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
Macarena Marey

Abstract In this paper, I examine Kant’s reception of and solution to the problem of the unity of the political will. I propose that Kant distances himself from the modern paradigmatic foundations of sovereignty principally with his theses of the ideality of the general will (section II) and of the apriority of the justification of popular sovereignty (section III). My interpretative hypothesis is that Kant solves the problem by grounding sovereignty in a conceptual element which is new in the history of political philosophy, i. e. the a priori unified omnilateral will. In section IV, I explain why my reading of the ideality of the general will can respond to seemingly plausible objections arising from Kant’s own texts and how it works in the face of concrete political states of affairs.


Pragmatics ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Jose Hellin Garcia

This article examines the role of Building Metaphors in the political discourse of the former Spanish president José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. More specific, it analyzes how Building Metaphors serve as legitimization and delegitimization strategies used by the Government and its anti-terrorist plight. The corpus of investigation comprises all political speeches on terrorism during Zapatero’s two terms in office (from April 2004 to December 2011). I argue that the use of Building Metaphors is a strategy of Zapatero’s whereby the solid ground of the Government’s anti-terrorist initiative is juxtaposed with terrorism’s lack of foundation. Findings suggest that the following conceptual metaphors are used as framing devices: POLITICS IS BUILDING, POLITICAL ENTITIES ARE BUILDINGS, THE GOVERNMENT IS THE BUILDER, TERRORISM IS THE DESTROYER, DEMOCRACY IS A STANDING BUILDING WITH SOLID FOUNDATIONS, TERRORISM IS A BUILDING WITH NO FOUNDATIONS, DEMOCRATIC VALUES ARE CONNECTORS, and TERRORIST VALUES ARE OBSTRUCTORS.


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