The Evolutionary Feature of Turkey’s Soft Power in the Middle East, 2011-2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Fall 2021) ◽  
pp. 11-25
Author(s):  
Ali Omidi

Today, soft power plays an important role in advancing states’ foreign policy goals. As one of the world’s emerging economic powers, Turkey pays special attention to the development and maintenance of its soft power. This commentary uses a descriptive-analysis approach to address the components of Turkey’s soft power in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in the years 2011-2020, the second decade of AK Party governance. Turkey’s soft power during this time period has mainly targeted and become influential in the Muslim-majority countries of the Middle East and Asia. Although certain events, such as the 2016 failed coup, the Gezi Park protests, the Syrian crisis, restrictions on freedom of expression, fluctuations in the value of the Turkish lira, etc., have somewhat tarnished the country’s image, various indicators of Turkey’s soft power demonstrate that it has remained strong in the MENA region during the time span of the present research. Keywords: Turkey, Soft Power, MENA, AK Party

Author(s):  
Mohamed Saleh

This chapter investigates a long-standing puzzle in the economic history of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: why do MENA’s native non-Muslim minorities have better socioeconomic (SES) outcomes than the Muslim majority, both historically and today? Focusing on the case of Coptic Christians in Egypt, the largest non-Muslim minority in absolute number in the region, and employing a wide range of novel archival data sources, the chapter argues that Copts’ superior SES can be explained neither by Islam’s negative impact on Muslims’ SES (where Islam is defined as a set of beliefs or institutions) nor by colonization’s preferential treatment of Copts. Instead, the chapter traces the phenomenon to self-selection on SES during Egypt’s historical conversion from Coptic Christianity to Islam in the aftermath of the Arab Conquest of the then-Coptic Egypt in 641 CE. The argument is that the regressivity-in-income of the poll tax on non-Muslims (initially all Egyptians) that was imposed continuously from 641 to 1856 led to the shrinkage of (non-convert) Copts into a better-off minority. The Coptic-Muslim SES gap then persisted due to group restrictions on access to white-collar and artisanal skills. The chapter opens new areas of research on non-Muslim minorities in the MENA region and beyond.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas

Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making.


Author(s):  
Bülent Açma ◽  
◽  
Tekang P. Kwachuh ◽  

The birth of nation-states after the Westphalian Treaty of 1648 signaled the dominance of states in international relations. The end of WW1 and especially WW2 precipitated a paradigm shift in global affairs with the world driven by superpower rivalry between the U.S and USSR in what became known as the Cold War. The birth of the modern-day Republic of Turkey in 1923 as a remnant of the defunct Ottoman Empire has emerged as one of the most successful states whose geostrategic position is a huge advantage in her public diplomacy, making maximum use of her soft power rather than hard power. This paper dwells on those institutions that are pivotal in catapulting Turkish public diplomacy specifically from 2010 to mid-2021. Also, this work sought to look at recent wins within 10 years of Turkish Public Diplomacy and it pays attention to the backlashes and prospects of Turkish Public Diplomacy. This paper found out that a significant institution heralding Turkey’s Public Diplomacy is the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the prestigious Turkish Government scholarship scheme stands out to be one of the big wins for Turkey. A huge deficit to Turkish Public Diplomacy hangs on insecurity across its borders. Lastly, an envisaged prospect can be spotted with the rising competitive nature of TRT World on the global media landscape. This paper concludes that Ankara’s public diplomacy would be more robust prior to the Centenary of its Independence in 2023 based on its institutions, recent gains and foreign policy goals. This article has penned down those institutions that are manning Turkish Public diplomacy such as YEI, TIKA, YTB etc., it made an appraisal on Turkish public diplomacy within a decade bringing to light past, contemporary gains and shortcomings as well. The paper then evolved around the prospects that await Turkish public diplomacy ahead of the 2023 Centenary Independence Celebration citing the role of TRT World as an important player in this expectation. It is pivotal to consider that for public diplomacy to be considered successful, soft power should be accompanied by economic prowess that will metamorphose into vibrant persuasive power. Within a decade, Turkish public diplomacy seems to have witnessed low and high tides however it keeps maturing as the years unfold. There is no doubt that the JDP leadership, institutions and actors in Ankara’s public diplomacy initiative from 2010 should be applauded for haven nurtured and implemented its public diplomacy after ascending power not focusing solely on the Middle East but has mapped out other regions globally, harvesting excellent results and off course thanks to the “Strategic Depth” Doctrine of Foreign Minister Davutoglu that Turkey has now mastered the public diplomacy terrain and has a great interest page in dominating global public diplomacy arena with little or no resistance from other states, particularly in an unpredictable MENA Region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Evren Tok ◽  
Damilola S. Olawuyi ◽  
Cristina D’Alessandro

Two of the key priorities of the Arab world in the coming years are to develop and deploy clean technologies (cleantech) needed to combat the adverse effects of climate change in the region; and to diversify domestic economies to become low carbon economies with greater prospects for green jobs. However, despite broad political discussions of these policy goals, several countries in the Middle East and North African (mena) region continue to lag in terms of the level and adequacy of entrepreneurial cleantech start-up activities. For mena countries to bridge current gaps in entrepreneurial cleantech capital, entrepreneurship education and training is critical. This article investigates the ethical and contextual basis of cleantech entrepreneurship in the mena region. Focusing on clean technology businesses, given their national and global economic and environmental role in future low-carbon societies and economies, the article then investigates the principal causes of the limited development of cleantech entrepreneurship in the mena region. The Qatari example offers original insights on clean technology joint ventures, startups, and projects. The results indicate the need for mena countries to mainstream and integrate entrepreneurial education and training into national action plans and policies on low carbon development, in order to promote local capacity and awareness on cleantech entrepreneurship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 400-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas

Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making.


Screen Bodies ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter S. Temple

In recent years, North African queer cinema has become increasingly visible both within and beyond Arabo-Orientale spaces. A number of critical factors have contributed to a global awareness of queer identities in contemporary Maghrebi cinema, including the dissemination of films through social media outlets and during international film festivals. Such tout contemporain representations of queer sexuality characterize a robust wave of films in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, inciting a new discourse on the condition of the marginalized traveler struggling to locate new forms of self and being—both at home and abroad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 228-236
Author(s):  
Zeinab Najafi ◽  
Leila Taj ◽  
Omid Dadras ◽  
Fatemeh Ghadimi ◽  
Banafsheh Moradmand ◽  
...  

: Iran has been one of the active countries fighting against HIV/AIDS in the Middle East during the last decades. Moreover, there is a strong push to strengthen the national health management system concerning HIV prevention and control. In Iran, HIV disease has its unique features, from changes in modes of transmission to improvement in treatment and care programs, which can make it a good case for closer scrutiny. The present review describes the HIV epidemic in Iran from the first case diagnosed until prevention among different groups at risk and co-infections. Not only we addressed the key populations and community-based attempts to overcome HIV-related issues in clinics, but we also elaborated on the efforts and trends in society and the actual behaviors related to HIV/AIDS. Being located in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, given the countryspecific characteristics, and despite all the national efforts along with other countries in this region, Iran still needs to take extra measures to reduce HIV transmission, especially in health education. Although Iran is one of the pioneers in implementing applicable and appropriate policies in the MENA region, including harm reduction services to reduce HIV incidence, people with substance use disorder continue to be the majority of those living with HIV in the country. Similar to other countries in this region, the HIV prevention and control programs aim at 90-90-90 targets to eliminate HIV infection and reduce the transmission, especially the mother-to-child transmission and among other key populations.


In recent years, the Middle East’s information and communications landscape has changed dramatically. Increasingly, states, businesses, and citizens are capitalizing on the opportunities offered by new information technologies, the fast pace of digital transformations, and enhanced connectivity. These changes are far from turning Middle Eastern nations into network societies, but their impact is significant. The growing adoption of a wide variety of information technologies and new media platforms in everyday life has given rise to complex dynamics that beg for a better understanding. Digital Middle East sheds a critical light on continuing changes that are closely intertwined with the adoption of information and communication technologies in the MENA region. Drawing on case studies from throughout the Middle East, the contributors explore how these digital transformations are playing out in the social, cultural, political, and economic spheres, exposing the various disjunctions and discordances that have marked the advent of the digital Middle East.


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