scholarly journals Decentralization of Government Functions, a European Principle of the Albanian Modernization Process: A libertarian approach to territorial issues

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Gentian Kaprata

Albania, for 30 years, has entered the phase of transition from a society organized into a one-party central governing regime to a democratic society of a free market economy. But the pace of moving in this direction and modernizing the country is not the expected one, because the centralized proclamations of the political elite and expertise have not allowed liberal approaches to enter Albanian legislation and governing practices. This has been the case in particular in the sector of territorial planning, where central governments have aimed and managed to not allow the actual decentralization of the governing function of drafting and adopting local territorial planning instruments. This has resulted in a shortage of local instruments, in general, but even when managed to ensure they are presented far beyond the needs, problems and objective local imbalances. This is because their distance mapping from the actual municipality for which they were designed failed to recognize the specifics and characteristics of each of them. The result has been evident; in both cases, planning has been inexistent to drive sustainable, smart and inclusive urban development processes. In this paper we aim to build another approach for future development in Albania, a country which aims at integration into the European Union. This path should be development based on previously adopted territorial planning instruments, drawn up in democratic and parliamentary processes as a local political activity. Central government must understand and accept the new and different role than the one it played 30 years ago in territorial development issues, and that the process of drafting and adopting local territorial planning instruments should be a function of local government itself.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Gentian Kaprata

Albania is a developing country that has embarked on the path of transition from a society of monist governance and centralized planning economy to a society of liberal democracy with free market economy 30 years ago. It is not moving at the pace it intended in the early 1990s, because of the etatist mentality of the country's political elite, but often also of experts in certain sectors. This has happened in these years also in the sector of territorial planning and development, where etatist understandings have impeded the empowerment of citizens in the processes of drafting territorial planning and development decision-making. This has led to development taking place in two different ways, on one hand governments have attempted to control development by forcing citizens to interact with the territory according to the rigid rules imposed by the government, and on the other hand the citizens have carried out construction developments in a fragmented manner, and without any harmony between each other and the obligations of government. In this paper we aimed to build another approach for future development in an Albania aiming at integration into the European Union. This path should be development based on previously adopted territorial planning instruments, drawn up in democratic and parliamentary processes. Governance must understand and accept the new and different role it played 30 years ago in territorial development issues, and recognize citizens as co-actors in the processes of drafting territorial and urban planning instruments.


1995 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 93-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Fuat Keyman

Turkey did not rise phoenix-like out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. It was ‘made’ in the image of the Kemalist elite which won the national struggle against foreign invaders and the old regime. Thereafter, the image of the country kept changing as the political elite grew and matured, and as it responded to challenges both at home and abroad. This process of ‘making’ goes on even today (Ahmad 1993, p.i).The process of contemporary globalization in its most general form involves a tension between universalism and particularism (see Robertson, 1992, pp. 8-61). On the one hand, with Francis Fukuyama’s “the end of history thesis” which suggests universalization of liberal democracy, along with the globalization of free market ideology, the dissolution of differences into sameness can be said to mark an emergence of cultural homogenization. On the other hand, it can be suggested that particularistic conflicts have begun to dictate the mode of articulation of political practices and ideological/discursive forms in global relations, which draws our attention to the tendency towards cultural heteroge-nization. Arjun Appadurai asserts in this context that “the central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization”, or, as he puts it:the central feature of global culture today is the politics of the mutual effort of sameness and difference to cannibalize one another and thus to proclaim their successful hijacking of the twin Enlightenment ideas of the triumphantly universal and the resiliently particular (Appadurai, 1990, p. 17).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetiana Bevz

The article analyzes the role of regional political elites of Sumy region in the actualization of historical memory. It was noted that the politics of memory is a symbolic resource of regional political elites. It was shown that regional political elites, on the one hand, «can create a favorable ground for the growth of multiple identities», and on the other – «are able to stimulate the growth of polar and conflicting identities». Emphasis was placed on the fact that the historical past becomes the ideological present. It was shown that the basic factor for the regional political elite of Sumy region in the processes of actualization of historical memory was the symbolic representation of the past, first of all, the history of the region. It was determined that memory is designed not only to reflect the past, but also to form its meaning for the present. In today's world, there is a great public demand for the formation, restoration, preservation, transmission, reading and affirmation of historical memory. And in this context, the urgent need for the central government and the regional political elite was the need to actively shape a nationwide policy of historical memory.


2021 ◽  
pp. 137-172
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter addresses territorial politics and the introduction of devolution in Northern Ireland. The chapter focuses on the nature of the territorial strain provided by Northern Ireland, examining the resources feeding nationalist pressures for change in Northern Ireland on the one hand and sustaining UK rule on the other. The chapter explores how recognition of resource weaknesses and constraints influenced nationalist and unionist political elite leadership, and the codes, strategies and goals that they each developed. The chapter also focuses on the codes, strategies and goals pursued by UK central government. In examining the role of UK central government, the chapter acknowledges that the political violence had meant that a long-standing approach of indirect control via collaborative local elites in the Northern Ireland Parliament had had to be abandoned in 1972, to be followed by direct UK rule. Nevertheless, the discussion explores how we should analyse UK centre approaches in terms of various phases of efforts ultimately to restore indirect control via collaborative elites and thus the centre's own relative autonomy from Northern Ireland affairs. Finally, the chapter focuses on the constitutional process which led to the Good Friday Agreement, by which devolution proposals were created, and the extent to which it contributed to their effectiveness and legitimacy. The chapter evaluates to what extent we should see this as a successful territorial constitutional reform.


1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (10) ◽  
pp. 81-86
Author(s):  
Sándor Kisgyörgy ◽  
György Botond ◽  
John M. Tyson

The project summarised in this paper was aimed at developing water quality legislation in Hungary and funded through the PHARE programme of the European Union. Hungary, in common with the other former Eastern European countries, is in a period of transition as it moves from a state socialist system to a free market economy and a full member of the European Union. The project sought to explore the means whereby water quality could be managed on a river basin basis and the legislative, institutional, economic and regulatory challenges resolved. A key element of the project was the carrying out of five case studies, on different catchments, to evaluate the various approaches. An important element of these studies was the participation of all interested parties in the individual catchments. The project showed that to move to a full system of integrated river basin management would be a step too far at this stage and, instead, recommended a system of Catchment Planning Commissions, accountable to Central Government, for the development of catchment based water quality objectives and plans for their achievement together with the monitoring and reporting of progress on implementation. The concomitant legal requirements were detailed and the need for public participation emphasised.


Author(s):  
Robert Csehi

Hungary became a member of the European Union (EU) alongside nine other, mainly East-Central European (ECE) countries in 2004. Although Hungary was one of the leading candidates from the former Soviet bloc to join the EU after the transition in 1989–1990, this positive view and the advantage that the country enjoyed seemed to gradually disappear by the mid-2000s. Hungarian experience with the EU is quite ambivalent. Economically speaking, on the one hand there is a slow but steady convergence to the EU average, which is largely due to the net beneficiary status of the country within the Community, and employment levels have increased considerably. On the other hand, the Country-Specific Recommendations (CSRs) point to shortcomings related to competitiveness, and labor productivity, which indicate some missed opportunities. Similarly, although budgetary deficit and public debt have been under control lately, sustainability concerns still remain. Additionally, even though the country’s prospects to join the common currency area are quite promising, political willingness is still lacking to make a lasting commitment to the Euro. While the socio-economic expectations of EU membership before accession were quite high and rather unrealistic, although economic growth decreased the level of overall poverty, socioeconomic inequalities have increased lately because of government policies. As far as politics is concerned, even the consensus of the political elite to support liberal democracy as a political system and further integration of the EU as a policy strategy have been questioned by the main governing party lately. Instead, a more Eurosceptic tone and an incremental democratic decline characterizes everyday politics, which has led to recurring criticism within the Community, and the eventual triggering of an Article 7 Procedure.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Kukovič ◽  
Miro Haček ◽  
Alan Bukovnik

The paper analyses the autonomy of Slovenian municipalities toward the central government. Slovenia is one of the very few countries in the European Union with a one-tier local government system, and while levels of local democracy have been on the rise for the last two decades, relations between the state on the one side and local units (municipalities) on the other has slowly deteriorated, especially over questions of municipal competencies, central oversight and the local financing of local communities. While Slovenia ratified the European Charter on Local Government in 1996, the charter was never fully implemented, as the subsidiarity principle was never fully implemented by the state. The paper will analyse the issue of local autonomy with special emphasis on the three mentioned topics, using primary and secondary sources as well as empirical data from several opinion polls conducted among stakeholders from national and local authorities.


Author(s):  
Alexey Nikolsky

The definition of the concept of a «Super Combine» as a production line of the macro-regional level, designed to produce record volumes of a product, is given. The concept refers, on the one hand, to the field of science, i.e. economic geography, and, on the other hand, to the field of technique (production technology). It was first introduced by the author during the development of the project «New Angarstroy: Baikal-Amur Metallurgical Super Combine». The project resumes the traditions of developing complex integration projects for the territorial development of Russia at the macro level, i.e. the level of economic districts and their conjugations, combining numerous constituent entities of the Federation. It is not correct when the subjects of the Fe­deration, competing for investments, serve as units of the all-Russian territorial planning, often offering the same small, local projects with the use of the resources of all-Russian and even global significance, duplicating each other. Every major project of a national scale, such as the Ural-Kuznetsk Combine in the past, which saved the country in the time of Great Patriotic War, and the proposed Baikal-Amur Me­tallurgical Super Combine of the future, always integrates numerous subjects of the Federation, taking into account their main resources for this all-Russian project.


This book critically reflects on the failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. The book argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world. Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq War and denying their connection to contemporary events could mean that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 06026
Author(s):  
Oleksii Klok ◽  
Olha Loseva ◽  
Oleksandr Ponomarenko

The article studies theoretical and methodological bases of the strategic management of the development of administrative territories, considers the essence of strategic management and formulates the advantages of using it in management of administrative territory. Based on the analysis of the key provisions of the EU regional policy, the strategy of “smart specialization” is considered as the most common approach to territorial development. Using the experience of the countries of the European Union as a basis, a BPMN diagram, describing the conceptual bases for the formation of a competitive territory strategy, was built. Practical approaches to the formation of strategies for the development of administrative territories operating in Ukraine, regulatory acts, in particular, that had a direct impact on the formation of the existing model of strategic territorial management, were analyzed. The main requirements to the content of the strategic plan were considered and the list of key provisions and analytical methods (socio-economic analysis, comparative analysis, SWOT-analysis, PESTLE-analysis, sociological analysis) was formulated. Using the comparative legal analysis of the experience of the European Union as a basis, a number of features can be highlighted that must be taken into account in the process of forming the administrative territory development strategy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document