The Issue of Local Autonomy in the Slovenian Local Government System

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Kukovič ◽  
Miro Haček ◽  
Alan Bukovnik
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Subsidiarity Principle ◽  
The One ◽  
Opinion Polls

The paper analyses the autonomy of Slovenian municipalities toward the central government. Slovenia is one of the very few countries in the European Union with a one-tier local government system, and while levels of local democracy have been on the rise for the last two decades, relations between the state on the one side and local units (municipalities) on the other has slowly deteriorated, especially over questions of municipal competencies, central oversight and the local financing of local communities. While Slovenia ratified the European Charter on Local Government in 1996, the charter was never fully implemented, as the subsidiarity principle was never fully implemented by the state. The paper will analyse the issue of local autonomy with special emphasis on the three mentioned topics, using primary and secondary sources as well as empirical data from several opinion polls conducted among stakeholders from national and local authorities.

The State of Local Democracy in Britain

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Waters
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Public Involvement ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Lower Case ◽  
Local Residents

The logo for the Whitehall department responsible for English councils is a large capital ‘C’ spelling out the word ‘Communities’, sitting above a lower case (a magnifying glass may be required for middle aged eyes) ‘local government’. So it is ‘Communities & local government’ (CLG) and the signature of the current incumbent as Secretary of State is that of Hazel Blears, whose enthusiasm for ‘communities’ can be traced through a steady convoy of Government White Papers and legislation. The 2007 Local Government & Public Involvement in Health Act', for example, is soon to be followed by a ‘Regeneration and Democracy’ Bill currently making its way through Parliament. It is the final part of a relentless sequence of central government tinkering with local government, which is unequalled in the rest of Europe. Ostensibly, all of this frenetic activity is about the need to tackle an ailing local democracy and a disengaged local electorate. This scenario only fully works if one ignores the highly centralised system within which local government has to operate. So there are now duties placed on local councils to ‘involve’ local residents in helping to determine priorities; spend budgets and, where possible, ‘empower’ through transferring assets.

Studies of Central–Provincial Relations in the People's Republic of China: A Mid-Term Appraisal

1995 ◽  
Vol 142 ◽  
pp. 487-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jae Ho Chung
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
National Level ◽  
The Other ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Scant Attention ◽  
The One ◽  
Central Level

Spatial aspects of power have been relatively neglected in the field of political science in general, with the notable exception of federalism. Many have argued that the study of political power has generally confined itself to the national level and paid scant attention to the interactions between the central government on the one hand and regional and local authorities on the other. Several tendencies have worked against the flourishing of political research on central-local government relations in the last three decades. First, in methodological terms, the “behavioural revolution” that swept the discipline caused a sudden premature end to the institutional analysis so crucial to central-local government relations. Secondly, in thematic terms, political scientists have been overly preoccupied with central-level processes of decision-making while neglecting the politics of central-local relations. Thirdly, in conceptual terms, the rise of “state” as an encompassing concept was facilitated largely at the expense of complex intra-governmental dynamics.

Fiscal Squeeze in Dutch Municipalities in the 1980s:

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Kickert
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Business Model ◽  
Financial Management ◽  
Public Management ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Block Grant ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Management Reform ◽  
Financial Management System ◽  
Model Structures

This chapter analyses the fiscal problems of Dutch local government in the 1980s and the way that municipalities handled the fiscal squeeze of that time. It first explores the causes of the 1980s fiscal squeeze, that is, the decrease in municipal revenues (particularly in block-grant funding from central government through the ‘Municipal Fund’) and increase in expenditures, partly as a result of recession. It then describes the local government responses to the fiscal squeeze, that is, what cutback measures were taken and what strategies were employed, and explores the linked reform of the financial management system and adoption of ‘divisionalised business model’ structures. Thirdly, empirical evidence about the causes and effects of Dutch local public management reform is considered. Finally, the chapter discusses the longer-term effects that went beyond management reform, that is, developments in local democracy in the 1990s.

Policy-Making in Central-Local Government Relations: Balancing Local Autonomy, Macroeconomic Control, and Sectoral Policy Goals

1999 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Blom-Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Local Policy ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Macroeconomic Control ◽  
Intergovernmental Policy ◽  
Sectoral Policy

This paper seeks to explain patterns of central government control and local government discretion across nations as well as across policy areas. The argument is that central-local policy is the result of the interaction of three types of actors: ‘Expenditure advocates’, ‘expenditure guardians’, and ‘topocrats’. The argument is based on two assumptions. First, the actors are assumed to pursue self-interests – respectively, sectoral policy goals, macroeconomic control, and local autonomy. Second, the actors' abilities to pursue their self-interests are assumed to be constrained and facilitated by the structure of intergovernmental policy networks. The theoretical propositions are put to a first test in a comparative analysis of three policy areas (economic policy, health policy, and child care policy) in the three Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Norway and Denmark.

TÜSİAD and the Armenian-Turkish Relations: Turkish Economy between Progress and National Identity

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascal Kluge
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Turkish Economy ◽  
Eastern Border ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Ideological Divergence ◽  
The One

AbstractIn examining the endeavours of the Turkish entrepreneurs' association TÜSİAD, a politically embedded economic interest group, it becomes clear how highly discriminative it must act, and react, in its pursuit to deliver economic and political benefits to its members. This can be observed via the example of the association's attitude vis-à-vis the Armenian-Turkish rapprochement process. On the one hand, the association speaks up freely and acts independently, and it has supported and engaged in numerous Armenian-Turkish initiatives, thus promoting a dialogue through trade. Improving economic conditions in the eastern provinces of Turkey and taking steps in line with the European Union accession process have been the major impetus for these moves. On the other hand, when it comes to highly contentious issues considered to be of Turkish national interest, such as the Armenian Genocide debate, TÜSİAD has been strongly affected by nationalist sensibilities. Its approach in this matter is deadlocked and determined by historical legacy. It conforms to the state ideology, rejecting the term genocide for the Ottoman massacres of Armenians in 1915 and considering any contrary arguments as an attempt by foreign powers to damage Turkey's reputation. One of the reasons behind this attitude is the way that a particular Turkish identity was formulated in the transition between the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, in which a sole “national culture” was founded exclusive of ideological divergence. The state, as a historically powerful guardian of this identity, has consistently attempted to enforce the conformity of social actors and the public sphere with this “national culture”. However, along with continuing globalisation and a general trend of individualisation of society, TÜSİAD and other civil organisations are in a process of disengagement from these structures. Should this process continue, TÜSİAD could further contribute to a prosperity that extends beyond economic advancement in Turkey's eastern border provinces, leading to a sustainable reconciliation in the South Caucasian region.

scholarly journals Voting in New Zealand local government elections: the need to encourage greater voter turnout

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Andy Asquith ◽  
Karen Webster ◽  
Andrew Cardow
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Review Article ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Financial Autonomy ◽  
General Competence

Within a global context, local government in New Zealand occupies an enviable position: it enjoys both a statutorily-defined ‘power of general competence’ and financial autonomy from central government. However, despite this, voter turnout rates in New Zealand local elections continue to fall as ever fewer New Zealanders engage in this fundamental act of civic engagement. This review article examines the decline in voting over the last four New Zealand local government elections (2010/13/16/19). It aims to do three things: plot the decline; identify and analyse the causes of this decline; and suggest ways in which the decline might be countered. The authors reach the conclusion that local government in New Zealand is at a crossroads – it will either be rejuvenated as a source of local democracy and prosper, or decline into an administrative arm of central government.

scholarly journals The Role and Opportunities of the Regional Economy in the Agrarian Sector In Ensuring the Production of Competitive Products

Economics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 104 (3-5) ◽  
pp. 60-78
Author(s):  
Gocha Tsopurashvili Gocha Tsopurashvili
Keyword(s):  
Synergistic Effect ◽  
Regional Economy ◽  
Specific Model ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
The State ◽  
Management Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The One ◽  
Competitive Products ◽  
Resource Research

The paper discusses the importance of using the opportunities of the regional economy in the production of competitive agricultural products at the modern stage. The 8-year cycle of declared priority and state protectionism has not substantially changed the situation, the field still needs to bereformed, most of the systemic-structural and organizational-technical issues are unresolved. The importance of the synergistic effect of centrifugal policies is completely ignored. Georgia’s commitments under the Deep and Comprehensive Agreement with the European Union in terms of strengthening, decentralization and deconcentration of self-government, are not actually fulfilled; Therefore, in the current situation, the opportunities of the regional economy are untapped in the country. Accordingly, nowadays the opportunities of the regional economy are unused in the country, initiatives and proposals from the places are not considered at all. The principle of action adopted in the EU countries, which actively use the specific model in governance, is completely ignored. Moreover, all types of stimulus and protectionist policies are implemented only from the center and lack of the full-fledged on-site resource research, understanding the information-analytical reality, the visions of identifying risks and benefits, as well as the initial competitiveness. Solving the issues of territorial arrangement of Georgia, the active use of the opportunities of the regional economy and proper spatial development of the territories give us additional opportunities to solve the existing problems in the field and to ensure the activation of mechanisms for creating the competitive products. The agenda raises the need to address a number of fundamental problems that can be broken down into stages and implemented in the form of targeted action-program modeling. In order to make full use of the regional factor, it is necessary to be directly involved in policy management issues and to offer a microzonal adjusted incentive system, synergistic effect of centrifugal and centrifugal policies, generalization of all local specific problems, situational and contextual analysis, resource research. The role of an active land management policy issues, the establishment of the principles of competitive culture zones and the definition of sectoral-territorial specifics are an incomplete list of topics. Moreover, in order to achieve competitiveness, it is important to highlight the starting advantage, which in this context must beexercised under multilateral responsibility, where both levels of the state hierarchical system will have their own rights and responsibilities. And the structural unit (cooperative, cluster) is fully responsible for ensuring the project-defined outcome. By implementing the regional economic principles, it is possible to consider the economic-commercial, on the one hand, within the framework of the targeted program, and on the other hand, the socio-demographic aspects that underlie the state policy on the development of the sector and the region. In the current situation, the importance of the convergent nature of development and inclusive involvement, which should be the result of a reasonable policy of the state, and it has no alternative in the current situation. Keywords: regional economy, competitive products, involvement of self-governing bodies, decentralization, socio-economic situation, System-structural reform, analytical studies, targeted programs.

Two Enlightenments: A Contrast in Social Ethics

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
GERTRUDE HIMMELFARB
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Social Ethics ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Church

This chapter highlights the differences between the British and French Enlightenments by focusing upon a subject that has not received much attention: the distinctive social ethics in the two traditions. The political and institutional reasons for the disparities between the two Enlightenments include the differing relationship of the monarchy to the aristocracy in the two countries, of the aristocracy to the middle classes, of the central government to local government, and of the state to the church. No less important, however, were the philosophical differences. Where the British idea of compassion lent itself to a variety of practical, meliorative policies to relieve and improve social conditions, the French appeal to reason could be satisfied with nothing less than the ‘regeneration’ of man.

Excluded from Political Task: NGO s’ Marginalized Participation in China’s Accurate Poverty Alleviation Project

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-180
Author(s):  
Zheng Yang ◽  
Hanxing Zheng ◽  
Wenyan Tu ◽  
Yuzhuo Chen
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Financial Resource ◽  
The State ◽  
Rational Behavior ◽  
Limited Participation ◽  
The Government

Abstract The importance of NGO s’ participation in poverty alleviation has not only been well documented by extensive studies but also confirmed by rich experience both at the international and national levels. In China, the government officially opened its resources to NGO s in combating poverty in 2005, and NGO s are expected to work as important participants in China’s accurate poverty alleviation project, which is the largest anti-poverty campaign launched by the central government since the foundation of PRC. However, empirical data in the paper shows that NGO s’ participation in this ambitious project is at best very limited. Drawing from more than 30 interviews and some other sources of data, this paper argues that it is the nature of poverty alleviation in China, which can be defined as political task, that should account for the NGO’s limited participation. To be more specific, the excessive workload assumed by the local government deprives officials’ motivation to cooperate with NGO s, excluding NGO s out of the poverty alleviation project is also a rational behavior that can avoid risks for officials. Moreover, the over-supplied financial resource also makes the participation of NGO s unnecessary. This research adds more insights to the study on NGO s in China by arguing that the state-society interaction in China is still asymmetrical.

scholarly journals France: A Public health system built on competing paradigms

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
S Rozenblum
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Scientific Discipline ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Health Services ◽  
Central State ◽  
Health Security ◽  
Secondary Sources

Abstract Background Although France helped establish public health as a scientific discipline, it is well known that the country was slow to implement public health measures on a national scale. The central government played a limited role in public health until the second half of the 20th century. Public health became a privileged space for political action in the 1990s, as a direct outcome of the “blood crisis” and a series of other health “scandals”. Methods A comparative historical analysis (CHA) based on government documents, law, and secondary sources. Results Between the early 1990s and 2016, France saw the emergence of two competing understandings of public health. It was legally defined as a responsibility of the state to protect its population against disease risks and to ensure equal access to and representation in the healthcare system, captured by the notions of sécurité sanitaire (“health security”) and démocratie sanitaire (“health democracy”). Public health actions framed in the language of “security” changed its place in the hierarchical structure of the state. It both reinforced public health as a legitimate field of intervention (now presented as an important function of government, similarly to finance, foreign affairs, defense, etc.) and reinforced the central state, as the legitimate protector of population health and provider of public health services. The French public health arena also witnessed the (re)emergence of local and private actors, motivated by their own interests and competing understanding of public health.

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