scholarly journals Influence of Turkish Foreign Policy in Albania

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Blendi Lami

This paper inquires into the overall picture of the Turkish foreign policy toward Western Balkans, and especially Albania, on the geopolitical plan. It explores the new Turkish policy principles, Davotuglu’s strategic vision, and the extent to which the geopolitics of both Turkey and Albania inform Turkish foreign policy. This paper also delineates the perceptions of Albania towards Turkey’s foreign policy and contradictions of the same policy. According to Davutoglu, the architect of Turkish foreign policy, Turkey is a Middle Eastern, Balkan, Caucasian, Central Asian, Caspian, Mediterranean, Gulf and Black Sea country, can simultaneously exercise influence in all these regions and thus claim a global strategic role, rejecting the perception of Turkey as a bridge between Islam and the West, as this would relegate Turkey to an instrument for the promotion of the strategic interests of other countries. To achieve this, Turkey should capitalise on its soft power potential. Davutoglu argues that Turkey possesses “strategic depth” due to its history and geographic position and lists Turkey among a small group of countries which he calls “central powers”. Taking such a role Turkey has also great interest in Albania as it is considered the best state to promote Turkish interests within the Western Balkan region. However, there are several obstacles limiting Turkey’s full penetration into the Western Balkans.

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Christina Griessler

Abstract This contribution explores the Visegrad Four’s (V4) foreign policy initiatives in the Western Balkans by considering each state’s interests and policies and the evolution of joint V4 objectives. My underlying hypothesis is that the foreign policy‑related behaviour of individual states is shaped by certain roles that they assume and by their national interests. This work uses role theory to explain the V4 states’ foreign policies both generally and in the specific case of the Western Balkans. The V4 have prioritised cooperation with this region, and I analyse the programmes of the last four V4 presidencies (Slovakia 2014-2015, the Czech Republic 2015-2016, Poland 2016-2017 and Hungary 2017-2018) to reveal key foreign policy objectives and explore why they were selected. At the same time, I examine the interests of each V4 country and the reasons for their joint attention to the Western Balkan region. My analysis shows that the V4 perceive themselves as supportive and constructive EU and NATO members and see their policies as reflective of European values. Moreover, they believe they should contribute to EU enlargement by sharing experiences of economic and political transformation with the Western Balkan states and serving as role models.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (86) ◽  
pp. 96-129
Author(s):  
Ešref Kenan Rašidagić ◽  
Zora Hesova

Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common future. Critical examination of official Ankara’s attitudes toward the Western Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish) transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan. This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy.


Author(s):  
F. Basov

This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.


The aim of this paper is to point to the specificities of economic and political transformations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) and the Western Balkan in the context of economic and political changes in the global environment that can significantly affect the EU accession process. An analysis of the position of B&H in the group of Western Balkans countries and the perspective of economic growth was conducted by focusing on the political and economic criteria as well as on the current obstacles these countries are facing, specifically, based on their political and economic background and in conditions where external risks are growing. All these countries are commited to implementing structural reforms because the commitment of all the countries towards Europe, which means convergence towards the European countries and a reduction in the size of the GDP per capita. In order to achieve such long-term goals, it is necessary to implement structural reforms that will result in stimulating production, trade, financial flows and reforming the labor market and the public sector. That is why growth of investment and exports is the main determinant of long-term growth. This paper gives an overview of the basic economic features of B&H compared with the other countries that belong to Western Balkan region, as well as projections on the certain macroeconomic indicators in the forthcoming period.


Author(s):  
Oleg Nikolaevich Glazunov ◽  
Yulia Alexandrovna Davydova

This paper examines the features of Turkish foreign policy in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. The attempt to analyze the influence of Anka-ra on global and regional processes has been made. The author examines the phenomenon of “neo-Ottomanism” in the context of regional policy of Turkey. The special attention is paid to the manifes-tations of this phenomenon in the post-Soviet re-gion and the Middle East, as well as “soft power” in Turkish diplomacy. Nowadays Turkey is positioning itself as a global player, which is involved in the main geopolitical processes and is trying to extend its influence to neighboring regions. It is concluded that the combination of military and political poten-tial with “soft” instruments gives Ankara the oppor-tunity to declare itself as an authoritative regional and global leader. The authors predict possible di-rections of Turkish foreign policy in the near future.


2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (181) ◽  
pp. 21-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Bartlett

This paper argues that the conflicts that afflicted the Western Balkan region in the 1990s pushed the countries into the European 'super-periphery', characterized by deindustrialization and high unemployment, ethnic and regional fragmentation, political turmoil, and instability. Integration into international trade has been disrupted, leading to chronic balance of payments deficits. Low inflows of international capital, due to high country risk, have hindered technological catch-up and weakened international competitiveness. An unattractive environment for productive entrepreneurship has created barriers to the entry of SMEs, and at the same time large informal economies. Several countries have become labour-export economies, with significant outflows of skilled labour. Economic development follows a low-skill growth path. The current global economic crisis is having a further deleterious effect as export revenues, foreign direct investment, and labour remittances all diminish. Furthermore, as transition has proceeded, disparities between capital cities and rural areas have increased, while weak administrative capacities have hindered the implementation of effective local development policies to counteract these effects. Endogenous local development cannot provide an alternative to greater engagement with the global economy. The conclusion is that the countries of the region have been left out of the most beneficial elements of the globalisation process, while simultaneously suffering from its main defects. Without a faster process of accession to the EU, local disparities are likely to widen, and the region may remain within the European super-periphery for the foreseeable future.


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