scholarly journals EU PROSPECTS FOR BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: BETWEEN STAGNATION AND GROWTH

The aim of this paper is to point to the specificities of economic and political transformations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) and the Western Balkan in the context of economic and political changes in the global environment that can significantly affect the EU accession process. An analysis of the position of B&H in the group of Western Balkans countries and the perspective of economic growth was conducted by focusing on the political and economic criteria as well as on the current obstacles these countries are facing, specifically, based on their political and economic background and in conditions where external risks are growing. All these countries are commited to implementing structural reforms because the commitment of all the countries towards Europe, which means convergence towards the European countries and a reduction in the size of the GDP per capita. In order to achieve such long-term goals, it is necessary to implement structural reforms that will result in stimulating production, trade, financial flows and reforming the labor market and the public sector. That is why growth of investment and exports is the main determinant of long-term growth. This paper gives an overview of the basic economic features of B&H compared with the other countries that belong to Western Balkan region, as well as projections on the certain macroeconomic indicators in the forthcoming period.

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Željko Marić

Bosnia and Herzegovina is in a state of long-term recession. Under these conditions, the State would have to apply the Keynesian economic policy instead of the neoclassical free market policy. This means that the State should take on the role of the main driver of economic development by increasing public spending and the fiscal consolidation. In doing so, it is very important to understand and evaluate the fiscal multipliers, as the successful application of the Keynesian policy depends exclusively on them. The aim of this paper is, after conducting an analysis of determinants and limitations of the fiscal multipliers within the conditions present in transition countries, to provide guidance on how to conduct the public spending policy, together with the monetary policy and structural reforms which would reduce the possible limitations regarding the effect of fiscal multipliers, thus increasing their impact on economic development. The analysis will be conducted on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina.


Author(s):  
Taras Marshalok

Introduction. The influence of political factors on economic processes in Ukraine is extremely important. Changes in political elites, their use of certain social and economic instruments, types and models, affect the state of social and economic development of the country in the short, medium and long term. That is why research and analysis of the economic situation in political cycles is an important issue that needs to be studied. Methods. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research are the fundamental positions of modern economic theory, scientific works of scientists on the problems of economic cycles. The general development of the Ukrainian economy under the influence of political factors is analyzed in the course of the research on the basis of the historical approach, as well as the method of analysis and synthesis used to determine the influence of political cycles on the development of the country's economy, abstraction and synthesis, comparison and analogy when comparing the results obtained by researchers and establishing the possibility of their use for carrying out tasks for the prevention of economic imbalances. Results. The article deals with the influence of political cycles on the economic situation, the dynamics of macroeconomic indicators and economic development in Ukraine. The main problems of economic policy are outlined and recommendations on elimination of economic imbalances and increase of welfare of citizens, increase of efficiency of fiscal measures in Ukraine are developed. It has been determined that in order to overcome the above-mentioned problems in the economic sphere in the process of elaboration of the economic development strategy for the long-term perspective, it is necessary to involve experts from among the scholars, business circles, expert analytical organizations in forming the directions of implementation of fiscal policy in the long-term perspective, as well as to ensure transparent and open relations. between state authorities and other actors in the social and economic sphere. Discussion. The study of political transformations and the analysis of their impact on economic fluctuations will enable future researchers to use better the results of their work to prevent economic imbalances in Ukraine. Keywords: prime minister, politics, economy, gross domestic product, taxes, expenditures, deficit, public debt, inflation, personal incomes, currency rate.


Author(s):  
F. Basov

This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Christina Griessler

Abstract This contribution explores the Visegrad Four’s (V4) foreign policy initiatives in the Western Balkans by considering each state’s interests and policies and the evolution of joint V4 objectives. My underlying hypothesis is that the foreign policy‑related behaviour of individual states is shaped by certain roles that they assume and by their national interests. This work uses role theory to explain the V4 states’ foreign policies both generally and in the specific case of the Western Balkans. The V4 have prioritised cooperation with this region, and I analyse the programmes of the last four V4 presidencies (Slovakia 2014-2015, the Czech Republic 2015-2016, Poland 2016-2017 and Hungary 2017-2018) to reveal key foreign policy objectives and explore why they were selected. At the same time, I examine the interests of each V4 country and the reasons for their joint attention to the Western Balkan region. My analysis shows that the V4 perceive themselves as supportive and constructive EU and NATO members and see their policies as reflective of European values. Moreover, they believe they should contribute to EU enlargement by sharing experiences of economic and political transformation with the Western Balkan states and serving as role models.


2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (181) ◽  
pp. 21-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Bartlett

This paper argues that the conflicts that afflicted the Western Balkan region in the 1990s pushed the countries into the European 'super-periphery', characterized by deindustrialization and high unemployment, ethnic and regional fragmentation, political turmoil, and instability. Integration into international trade has been disrupted, leading to chronic balance of payments deficits. Low inflows of international capital, due to high country risk, have hindered technological catch-up and weakened international competitiveness. An unattractive environment for productive entrepreneurship has created barriers to the entry of SMEs, and at the same time large informal economies. Several countries have become labour-export economies, with significant outflows of skilled labour. Economic development follows a low-skill growth path. The current global economic crisis is having a further deleterious effect as export revenues, foreign direct investment, and labour remittances all diminish. Furthermore, as transition has proceeded, disparities between capital cities and rural areas have increased, while weak administrative capacities have hindered the implementation of effective local development policies to counteract these effects. Endogenous local development cannot provide an alternative to greater engagement with the global economy. The conclusion is that the countries of the region have been left out of the most beneficial elements of the globalisation process, while simultaneously suffering from its main defects. Without a faster process of accession to the EU, local disparities are likely to widen, and the region may remain within the European super-periphery for the foreseeable future.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Rawski

The Persistence of National Victimhood: Bosniak Post-War Memory Politics of the Srebrenica Mass KillingsThis article reveals the origins of the radicalisation of memory politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the year 2010. It shows that the radicalisation in the public sphere of Bosnia and Herzegovina was eventually possible due to the long-term persistence of the nationalist commemorative strategy, rooted in the dialectic mechanism of consolidating and antagonising relevant reference groups, and responsible for structuring the national memories of the last war according to an exclusivist martyrological model. Based on the example of Bosniak post-war memory politics regarding the Srebrenica mass killings, the study describes a more universal political mechanism, one characteristic also of the post-war Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat nationalist factions. Trwałość martyrologii narodowej. Boszniacka powojenna polityka pamięci o masowych morderstwach w SrebrenicyArtykuł odsłania źródła radykalizacji polityki pamięci w Bośni i Hercegowinie po 2010 roku. Pokazuje, że radykalizacja ta była możliwa dzięki długotrwałemu utrzymywaniu się w sferze publicznej Bośni i Hercegowiny nacjonalistycznej strategii komemoratywnej, która była odpowiedzialna za strukturyzację narodowej pamięci o ostatniej wojnie według ekskluzywistycznego modelu martyrologicznego oraz zakorzeniona w dialektycznym mechanizmie konsolidacji i antagonizowania odpowiednich grup odniesienia. Na przykładzie powojennej boszniackiej polityki pamięci dotyczącej masowych morderstw w Srebrenicy opisany został bardziej uniwersalny mechanizm polityczny, charakterystyczny także dla powojennych polityk pamięci prowadzonych przez nacjonalistyczne elity bośniackich Serbów i bośniackich Chorwatów.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 169-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muamer Hirkić

In a recent survey conducted by the Directorate for European Integration in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it appears that 43.6% of respondents believe that there is an alternative to the European Union (EU) membership. The survey was conducted by using the Computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) method, on a sample that is representative for the entire country. Therefore, this article will explore the possibility of pursuing foreign policy that is geared towards several geopolitical centres and implications for the country. Primarily, this refers to alternative development models offered by international actors such as China, Russia, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Although the EU often emphasises commitment to the Western Balkan region, both internal and external processes are becoming heavily politicised. In this regard, the author will also attempt to examine some of these processes and the main stakeholders (both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union), who could stall the future European integration.


ECONOMICS ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-56
Author(s):  
Merim Kasumović ◽  
Dino Hadžialić

Summary With regard to the specific situation and problems in Bosnia and Herzegovina this paper will analyse the effects caused by adhering to the rules of the Washington Consensus, and thus will determine to which extent they have influenced the stability of the macroeconomic indicators in Bosnia and Herzegovina and will explain how the rules affect the stability of macroeconomic indicators of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main thesis of the Washington Consensus is that by following the measures of the same the macroeconomic situation in the country becomes more stabilised. However, stabilization often cannot sustain in the long term and this situation in the economy can be regarded as quasi-macroeconomic stability. The application of the Washington Consensus produces a quasi-macroeconomic stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the high level of unemployment exists due to a low inflation. Contrary to the neoliberal Washington Consensus profile, whose main goal is the maintenance of steady conditions in budgets through fiscal stabilization policies, the paper stresses the need to solve the permanent high unemployment rate as the main macroeconomic problem Bosnia and Herzegovina’s.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (80) ◽  
pp. 33-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamza Preljević

Abstract NATO’s enlargement in the Western Balkans (WB) has been the focus of a number of debates for almost two decades. Opinions and positions regarding this question range from serious doubts, criticisms and opportunistic press releases to enthusiastic support for membership. This paper assesses Bosnian reforms and policy changes, as well as the country’s efforts to join NATO. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made significant steps in moving towards NATO’s military and political standards, but not sufficiently. Although BiH is viewed by some observers as a country approaching the point of joining the Membership Action Plan (MAP), this prospect remains uncertain. The findings of this research suggest that BiH is different from other WB countries and that it is not suitable for understanding the NATO integration challenges in the WB. In order to understand Bosnian ‘specifics’, it is necessary not only to view the challenges through the prism of technical and other domestic issues in BiH. A wider approach must be adopted. Through understanding the Bosnian specifics, the dilemmas related to the NATO membership of BiH become more obvious and clear. Bosnian specifics illustrate why BiH is not able to take significant steps towards long-term stabilization and NATO membership.


Author(s):  
Blerta Chaushi ◽  
Agron Chaushi ◽  
Florije Ismaili

This study provides a review of the literature on e-learning systems evolution and environments. The argument is that e-learning systems should be embedded in the core strategy of the institution. To support this premise, studies for e-learning are analyzed and six recommendations are drawn for universities to follow in order to have successful e-learning environments. The main contribution of this study, however, is the identification of the trends and statistics regarding the e-learning usage in the Balkan region. These stats are identified through a survey conducted in 40 universities in 10 countries from this region. The results show that more than 70% of the universities have adopted LMS, which does not fall short behind when compared with universities in the world. Also, the results show that around 64% of the private universities develop LMS in-house, compared with around 38% of the public universities, which have funding from the governments and can purchase vendor based solutions. However, the results from the survey suggest that public universities in these countries are more prone to open-source rather than vendor based.


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