scholarly journals On Ballance: a Biography of John Ballance, Journalist and Politician, 1839-1893

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Timothy J McIvor
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The North ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government

<p>This thesis is a biography of John Ballance, New Zealand's first Liberal Premier. It examines his career as journalist and politician, from his arrival in New Zealand and Wanganui in 1866 until his death in 1893. Ballance is viewed from a number of different perspectives: as editor and owner of a 'frontier' town's newspaper, as a prominent Wanganui personality closely involved in promoting local development, as Member of the House of Representatives and, finally, as a national political leader. The first chapter looks briefly at Ballance's early life in the north of Ireland and Birmingham. Chapter two then discusses his arrival in Wanganui, the establishment of the Evening Herald, and his participation in the war against Titokowaru. The following chapter begins with an examination of Ballance's attitude to political and economic issues of the 1870s, in particular his opposition to the provincial system, and ends with his entering Parliament for the first time in 1875. A little over two years later he became Colonial Treasurer in the Grey Government (chapter four). Chapter five covers the period 1879 to 1884, and Ballance's only electoral defeat, in 1881. Chapter six examines the broad base of his liberal philosophy, and shows how its different strands are inter-related, all pointing to a democratic, secular society, with considerable emphasis on individual and national self-reliance. In 1884 Ballance re-entered Parliament, and became Minister of Lands and Native Minister in the Stout-Vogel Government. His activities and initiatives when holding these two portfolios are the subject of chapter seven. Chapters eight and nine lead up to the crucial election of 1890. Ballance, after some initial hesitation, accepted the leadership of the Opposition in 1889. Land reform predominated his campaign at the election. Chapters ten to twelve discuss Ballance in power (1891-93). His major problem was to secure and consolidate the new Liberal regime, in the face of opposition to government measures from the Legislative Council and an alleged withdrawal of capital from the country. Ballance's reaction was to pursue a non-borrowing, self-reliant policy, and to establish a Liberal Federation to organise support for the Government at grass roots level. The conclusion discusses the 'Ballance tradition'.</p>

scholarly journals On Ballance: a Biography of John Ballance, Journalist and Politician, 1839-1893

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Timothy J McIvor
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The North ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government

<p>This thesis is a biography of John Ballance, New Zealand's first Liberal Premier. It examines his career as journalist and politician, from his arrival in New Zealand and Wanganui in 1866 until his death in 1893. Ballance is viewed from a number of different perspectives: as editor and owner of a 'frontier' town's newspaper, as a prominent Wanganui personality closely involved in promoting local development, as Member of the House of Representatives and, finally, as a national political leader. The first chapter looks briefly at Ballance's early life in the north of Ireland and Birmingham. Chapter two then discusses his arrival in Wanganui, the establishment of the Evening Herald, and his participation in the war against Titokowaru. The following chapter begins with an examination of Ballance's attitude to political and economic issues of the 1870s, in particular his opposition to the provincial system, and ends with his entering Parliament for the first time in 1875. A little over two years later he became Colonial Treasurer in the Grey Government (chapter four). Chapter five covers the period 1879 to 1884, and Ballance's only electoral defeat, in 1881. Chapter six examines the broad base of his liberal philosophy, and shows how its different strands are inter-related, all pointing to a democratic, secular society, with considerable emphasis on individual and national self-reliance. In 1884 Ballance re-entered Parliament, and became Minister of Lands and Native Minister in the Stout-Vogel Government. His activities and initiatives when holding these two portfolios are the subject of chapter seven. Chapters eight and nine lead up to the crucial election of 1890. Ballance, after some initial hesitation, accepted the leadership of the Opposition in 1889. Land reform predominated his campaign at the election. Chapters ten to twelve discuss Ballance in power (1891-93). His major problem was to secure and consolidate the new Liberal regime, in the face of opposition to government measures from the Legislative Council and an alleged withdrawal of capital from the country. Ballance's reaction was to pursue a non-borrowing, self-reliant policy, and to establish a Liberal Federation to organise support for the Government at grass roots level. The conclusion discusses the 'Ballance tradition'.</p>

scholarly journals The historical context of the Accra Confession

2009 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Averell Rust
Keyword(s):  
Broad Spectrum ◽  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Economic Justice ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
The Face ◽  
Economic Injustice

This article places the Accra Confession, accepted at the 24th General Assembly of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) (2004), within the historical context of the WARC’s struggle for economic justice in the face of globalisation. It moves beyond addressing such issues merely as ethical issues to rather viewing them as confessional issues of faith. It highlights the difficulties of the WARC to reach consensus on issues concerning economic justice. It also shows how the WARC has taken the lead in the ecumenical movement by engaging a broad spectrum of people – professionals and non-professionals, from the North and the South, rich and poor – to ensure that such a confession is a true reflection of the experiences of people at grass-roots level and that it speaks from the heart. The Accra Confession challenges Christians to take a faith stance on economic injustice.

Nongovernmental Organizations as Intermediaries for Decentralization in Bolivia

10.1068/c26m ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Kohl
Keyword(s):  
Nongovernmental Organizations ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Local Planning ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
National Budget ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Writing Expertise ◽  
Ngo Effectiveness ◽  
The Government ◽  
Technical Capacity

During the implementation of the 1994 Law of Popular Participation (LPP) nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) assumed a new role as intermediaries between the government and the Bolivian population. The law, at the heart of a decentralization program, transferred 20% of the national budget to municipalities, established participatory planning, and mandated oversight by grass-roots territorial organizations. In some cases, NGOs with long-term commitments to an area have served as effective planning agents, successfully assisting a relatively democratic process of decentralization, and using their project-writing expertise to find matching grants to leverage revenue-sharing funds. Perhaps most important, some NGOs have educated residents of small municipalities about their rights to participate in local planning and budgeting. At the same time, rivalries between NGOs, NGO control of planning, and the failure to establish a permanent presence in a municipality have limited NGO effectiveness. Despite these shortcomings, NGOs have the potential to help prevent local elite cooption of the LPP and the corruption found throughout the country as small municipalities develop the technical capacity to direct local development. Examination of the Bolivian experience offers lessons both on the opportunities and on the limitations of NGOs as partners with governments that seek efficient and more equitable solutions to problems of local development. This assessment is particularly important as multilateral donors and institutions have consistently used Bolivia over the past fifteen years to experiment with new policy models which they later apply elsewhere in the developing world.

Wealth inequality, redistribution and local development: The case of land reform in Italy

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Percoco
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Land Reforms ◽  
The North ◽  
Using Data

The role of wealth inequality for local development has long been neglected, although some literature has pointed out its relevance in explaining entrepreneurial and education investment. Among the typologies of assets composing individuals’ wealth, land is of paramount importance in underdeveloped economies specialised in agriculture. Land reforms in terms of redistribution of land ownership are hence expected to boost development through an increase in entrepreneurship rate and human capital stock. In this paper, we consider land reform in Italy, which took place in the 1950s in specific areas across the country. By adopting an Oaxaca-Blinder regression method and using data at a city level on the implementation of the reform for Puglia–Basilicata–Molise in the South of Italy and, as robustness checks, for Maremma in the Centre and Delta del Po in the North of Italy, we have found a positive impact of land redistribution on human capital accumulation and a less significant impact on employment and firm location.

scholarly journals The Forerunner of the Government Reform of Peter the Great

2015 ◽  
pp. 24-31
Author(s):  
N. V. Shevtsov
Keyword(s):  
17Th Century ◽  
Regional Studies ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Government Reform ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
The North ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
Russian State ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

Abstract: This article describes the life and work of the distinguished political leader of the 17th century Vasiliy Vasilyevich Golitsyn. He entered the history of our country as a thoughtful reformist and a brilliant diplomat. His transformations created the foundation for the future pivotal reforms by Peter the Great. Being an outstanding analyst and a strategic planner, Golytsin won his combats not on the bloody battlefields but in the course of fights on the diplomatic arena. During the reign of Sophia, when he had received ultimately unlimited power warrant, he mainly fostered all of his efforts to the implementation of the socio-economic changes and the rise of prestige of the Russian State. However, as it often happens with the prominent reformists he became a victim of the in-house political tussle; he placed the wrong bet on Sophia instead of Peter the Great and his court. As a result, he was deprived from his post, lost his estates, and was sent into exile to the north of the country. The author of this article followed the probable route of Golytsin’s exile ramblings and paid special attention to the stay of the disgraced knyaz in Pinezhskiy Volok - currently the settlement of Pinega situated approximately 200 km away from Arkhangelsk on the banks of the Pinega River. The article also offers a detailed description of the Krasnogorskiy Monastery located 15 km away from the settlement. Golitsyn used to visit this monastery regularly and in 1714 was buried there disclaimed by Peter. The tombstone from his grave was preserved and is now stored in the Museum of Regional Studies in Pinega.

Iraqi Sunni politics (under Prime Ministers Haydar al-Abbadi and Adil Abdulmahdi, 2014-2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
German L. Krylov
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The State ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Federal Level ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The North ◽  
The Government ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Good Number ◽  
Federal Center

The article explores the dynamics of the state of the Iraqi Sunni political establishment that changed marginalized provincial factions to an influential parliamentary force in 2014-2019. In the beginning of the period when ISIS occupied vast territories to the north and west of Baghdad, Sunni politicians had to abandon their ambitions to influence the federal center policies and focus their efforts on rivalries inside the councils of Anbar, Salaheddin and Nainawa provinces. The drastic marginalization of the Sunni factor on the federal level made Sunni politicians more willing to seek compromise with the Shia-dominated federal center,. This generally resulted in the obvious decrease of sectarian tension. During the 2018 parliamentary elections that led to the formation of the government of Adel Abdulmahdi, Sunni politicians tactically joined coalitions led by Shia, seeing this the only way to be elected. They continued the tactics of inter-faction maneuvering in the new parliament that led some of them even to the blocs headed by Shia islamists known by their close ties with Iran. In 2019 the president of the Iraqi House of Representatives Mohammad al-Halboussi succeeded in uniting a good number of Sunni politicians who had had to join Shia-led coalitions during the elections, thus creating an influential Sunni bloc and positioning himself as a nation-scale leader. His latest and most prominent accomplishment is the second place his “Taqaddum” (“Progress”) bloc won during the parliamentary elections of 2021, outmaneuvered only by the populist “Sadrist Fraction” (“Al-Kutla as-sadriya”).

scholarly journals 11 YEARS OF DECENTRALIZATION: HOW DO LOCAL PEOPLES THINK ABOUT DECENTRALIZATON?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Local Election ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Good Leader ◽  
Choose People

Law 32/2004, changing the face of local government, from centralization to decentralization. Decentralization is not only related to administrative stuff but also politics. The law gift rights to society to participate in local governance. It means, hopefully, that democracy values which become the spirit of decentralization, can be applied by local peoples. Through participating in governance, peoples can maximize local development. After one decade, decentralization presenting various achievements. Some cities or regencies, such as Surabaya City, can develop quickly, but others slowly. Different achievement and similar opportunity among them produced questions about how local peoples understand decentralization. Generally, this article will talk about two big questions: how do local peoples think about democracy? and, how do local peoples see political instruments in local level?. This article is based on a survey in Surabaya City during May 2016. Survey have conducted by questionnaire to 1023 respondents The result showed that local people limit the meaning of decentralization. 50,7% respondents were not interested in general political issues, and only 7.5% who were interested. The numbers explained that Surabaya peoples tend to be apathetic to politics. Even, the survey also found only 21.3% respondents who believe that democracy is a way to welfare. But, when respondents were asked question about the priority of meaning of democracy, 25.8% respondents (high percentage) see democracy as an opportunity to change the government. They seen local election (Pilkada) is the opportunity, choose people who will be local government leader. We can conclude that Surabaya peoples did not apply democracy values (all kind of political participations) completely, in local governance, but they were interested in having a good leader. That why Surabaya peoples see political decentralization is a local election (Pilkada)

Sarkozy may ride FN strength to win presidency in 2017

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Grocery Store ◽  
French Politics ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charlie Hebdo

Subject Departement elections. Significance President Francois Hollande's administration seems poised to be dealt its fourth electoral defeat in less than three years at the department ('departement') elections, the first round of which takes place on March 22. Following the January terror attacks on satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo and a kosher grocery store, the face of 'post-Charlie France' is much less republican than what many commentators expected or even hoped: Marine Le Pen's National Front (FN) is more than ever empowered and might even reach the historical landmark of 30%. Despite this, Hollande will neither replace Prime Minister Manuel Valls nor change economic policy. Rather, he will try to re-build a presidential majority for 2017 by reshuffling the government and letting in Greens and progressive members of his own majority. Impacts The FN will be empowered by a likely historical result, confirming its status of first party nationally and locally. The UMP will win big in the second round on March 29, consolidating Sarkozy's return to the forefront of French politics. Hollande will not change his prime minister but open up his government to prepare for 2017.

scholarly journals "Strangers in the House": The Maori Language in Government and the Maori Language in Parliament 1840-1900

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 865
Author(s):  
Phil Parkinson
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Treaty Of Waitangi ◽  
The Government ◽  
Adequate Provision ◽  
The Right

The Treaty of Waitangi conferred upon Her Majesty's new subjects "all the rights andprivileges of British subjects" and that included, in theory, the right to be represented in the infantgovernment. In practice, however, the right of Maori to vote in elections was not taken seriouslyuntil 1858 and the presence of formally elected members in the House of Representatives was not achieved until August 1868. When they did speak in 1868 the first four Maori members spoke inMaori, and no adequate provision was made for the translation of their words, or for the words ofother members to be translated for them. The proceedings of the House were not printed in Maoriand the Maori members' speeches were not translated except when it suited the government of theday.Over the next few decades after 1868 there was only an irregular compliance with the standingorders of the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council that Bills and Acts be prepared inboth Maori and English for the better information of "Her Majesty's subjects of the Native Race".This study traces the extent of the use of the Maori language in the House and in the Council andpoints to a large number of extant Bills and Acts in Maori as well as to the large number whichhave not survived but which are referred to in the New Zealand parliamentary debates. These little-known texts deserve recognition as expressions of legislation in an indigenous tongue reflectingindigenous concerns but they have usually been disregarded in a European-dominated GeneralAssembly.

Chile’s 2010 M8.8 Earthquake and Tsunami: Initial Observations on Resilience

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 577-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guillermo Franco ◽  
◽  
William Siembieda ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Earthquake Engineering ◽  
Land Use Planning ◽  
Large Area ◽  
Central Pacific ◽  
Engineering Research ◽  
The North ◽  
The Face ◽  
Civil Disorder ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

On February 27, 2010, an earthquake of momentmagnitude 8.8 struck the central Pacific coast of Chile, triggering a tsunami and causing severe shaking along nearly 600 km of coastline from Viña del Mar in the north to Concepción and beyond in the south. This disaster tested the country’s government disaster management capacity as well as its built environment. Despite the large amount of energy released in this event and the large area affected, the actual impacts were limited in terms of severity and in terms of geographic dispersion and loss of life. A set of observations on the impact, mitigation, and response that were obtained during a disaster reconnaissance survey organized by the Earthquake Engineering Research Institute (EERI) and extended from March 12-22 are presented. Using the concept of disaster resiliency these observations attempt to tie to past and current efforts within the government and within the local communities to explore the question: how resilient was Chile in the face of this disaster? Suggestions for further research on coastal land use planning, permanent housing replacement schemes, and the roots of civil disorder are made.

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