scholarly journals Geopolitical and regional considerations: US, China and, Russia: partners or competitors?

Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy

The article deals with the policy of the United States of America, Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) and the Russian Federation in the Asia-Pacific Region. Leadership ambitions of the countries became evident in political, economic, military, technological and space spheres especially over the last few years. The purpose of the article is to analyze American-Chinese and Russian-Chinese relationships in the Asia-Pacific and identify reasons for their foreign policy course. Both countries, China and the USA are eager to play leader’s part in the regional politics. The relationships between the PRC and the United States significantly deteriorated, especially during D. Trump presidency. The author draws attention to the US policy and its attempts to strengthen its own positions in the region as well as to China’s economic activity reflected in transport projects, for instance – One Belt, One Road initiative, perceived by Washington as a challenge to its leader’s position. Tensions between two countries increased due to aggressive regional policy of China which claimed sovereignty over few small islands in the South China Sea. Beijing and Washington compete for leadership in the sphere of technology where China is ahead of the USA.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 120-139
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies Russia's priorities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, as well as a comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. The results of the study can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China with the interests of Russia is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, their comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. An approach to assessing the impact of possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests is proposed. This makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the analysis can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter

This chapter reviews Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and People’s Republic of China (PRC) interactions with the United States since the 1940s, and it reveals a general pattern of the United States at the very top of China’s foreign priorities. Among those few instances where China seemed to give less attention to the United States was the post-2010 period, which saw an ever more powerful China advancing at US expense. However, China’s rapid advance in economic, military, and diplomatic power has progressively alarmed the US government, which now sees China as its main international danger. Looking forward into the future, deteriorating US-China relations have enormous consequences for both countries, the Asia-Pacific region, and the world.


Author(s):  
Anatoliy V. Goncharenko ◽  
Lybov G. Polyakova

The article researches the US foreign policy towards the PRC during Gerald Ford presidency in 1974-1977. It describes the reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of the US foreign policy strategy in the Chinese direction during the investigated period. There was explored the practical realization of the “Pacific Doctrine”by Washington. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the question of the formation of the Chinese White House policy has been analyzed. The specific foreign policy actions of the administration of the US president Gerald Fordon the PRC in 1974-1977 are analyzed. The chief results of the foreign policy of the administration of the President of the United States Gerald Ford (1974-1977) concerning the PRC, which resulted from the real political steps taken by the leaders of both countries, was the establishment of systematic and reliable channels of bilateral ties, expansion of economic, scientific and cultural contacts, the beginning of a systematic exchange of views on the most important issues of international relations. In the second half of the 70’s of the twentieth century this dialogue ensured the continuity of China’s policy in Washington, which was based on the concept of a “balance of power”, while China played a complementary role in the foreign policy strategy of the White House. These factors formed the “Pacific Doctrine” of G. Ford, which gave Beijing the status of an American partner in maintaining a balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region and consolidated a positive assessment of the place and role of the People’s Republic of China in Asian politics in the United States of America. The return of American political thought to the ideas of the combination policy occurred in the formation of US-Soviet strategic parity and awareness of the ruling circles in the United States, due to the defeat in Vietnam, the limited resources of force influence on the international situation. Started in the United States the study of China’s behavior in the international arena and its power parameters made it possible then to draw a preliminary conclusion that the People’s Republic of China can fill the place of the missing link in the “triangle” of the global scheme – a place of counterweight to the USSR; this required the removal of a US-Chinese confrontation. However, the socio-political and ideological contradictions that were pushed to the foreground on the initial stage of the Chinese policy of the administration of G. Ford and the process of normalization of bilateral relations, again made themselves felt at a later stage. Their injection was promoted by the logic of the development of bilateral US-China relations, as well as by a number of internal objective and subjective reasons, as in the People’s Republic of China (a sharp increase in the struggle for power connected with the illness and death of Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong), and in the United States (Gerald Ford made certain curtseys towards the American right-wing conservative forces and began to intensify approaches to Beijing and Moscow, and also the presidential campaign of 1976). Keywords: the USA, PRC, China, foreign policy, American-Chinese relations, “Pacific Doctrine”, Gerald Ford, Henry Kissinger , Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 102-117
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper analyzes the prospects of economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation and the United States in the context of economic relations of this strategic triangle. An approach is proposed to analyze the prospects for cooperation between Russia and China in the framework of global integration projects, as well as trade and investment cooperation between Russia and the United States. These relationships determine the interdependence of the national economies of these countries. An attempt is made to forecast the development of economic relations between the countries of the strategic triangle. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 90-103
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the impact of the European component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Europe and other regions of the world. The proposed comparison can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the European component of the policy of the United States, China, and Russia occupies a dominant position in the implementation of current economic and military policies in the European region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 341 ◽  
pp. 00001
Author(s):  
Andrey Korochkin

The methodology for calculating pavements used in the United States is discussed in this article. The article contains the principles of pavement design outlined in the manual “P. Design of New and Reconstructed Flexible Pavements. Part 3”, which are used by designers not only in the United States, but also in many countries around the world. Differences in approaches to pavement design in the Russian Federation and the United States are shown. It is marked that in difference from Russia, where requirements documents are valid on all territory of the country, in America each state develops its own requirements documentation, however the general principles of designing presented in the above-mentioned manual, remain invariable. In order to compare the pavement structures used in Russia and the USA the author has given examples of constructions developed on the basis of the US guidelines and has shown the main differences of these constructions from those which are traditionally applied in our road construction. In addition, the author draws attention to the fact that in contrast to Russia in the U.S. roads usually have a non-rigid type of pavement, which significantly increases their strength and durability


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 132-150
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the impact of the African component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Africa and other regions of the world. A comparison of the African component of the policy of the states of the “strategic triangle” Russia – China – United States can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the African component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current economic and military policy in the African region.


Author(s):  
Goncharenko A.V.

The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


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