After 30 Years and During a Pandemic: Pottery Production and Distribution in Bagacay, Talibon in the Island of Bohol in the Philippines | Pagkalipas ng Tatlumpung Taon at sa Panahon ng Pandemya: Produksyon at Distribusyon ng Seramiko sa Bagacay, Talibon sa Isla ng Bohol sa Pilipinas

Author(s):  
Rhayan Gatbonton Melendres ◽  

In 1986, SEAMEO SPAFA conducted training in Ethnoarchaeology in Bagacay, Talibon, from July 22 to September 22. From the training workshop and ethnographic fieldwork in the village, Mary Jane Calderon and Thelma Roales, who attended the course, wrote an article for the SPAFA Digest in 1987 to describe the village’s pottery-making tradition. After 30 years, I re-visited and conducted pottery studies in Bagagay, Talibon pre-pandemic in 2017 to 2018 and during the pandemic in 2021. Using ethnoarchaeology as a research strategy and participant observation and survey interview as methods, I will identify and describe the ceramic production, organization, and distribution changes in Bagacay, Talibon, Bohol for the last 30 years and during this pandemic. Noong 1986, and SEAMEO SPAFA ay nagsagawa ng pagsasanay sa Ethnoarkeolohiya sa Bagacay, Talibon noong Hunyo 22 hanggang Setyembre 22. Pagkatapos ng pagsasanay at ethnograpikong pagaaral sa komunidad, sina Mary Jane Calderon at Thelma Roales ay nagsulat ng artikulo para sa SPAFA Digest nuong 1987 para ilarawan ang tradisyon ng paggwa ng seramiko sa pamayanan. Pagkalipas ng 30 taon, ako ay bumisita at nagsaliksik ulit sa nasabing nayon bago ang pandemya nuong 2017 hanggang 2018 at sa kasagsagan ng pandemiko nito lamang 2021. Gamit ang ethnoarkeolohiya bilang stratehiyang sa pananaliksik at pakikiugaling pagmamasid at sarbey na panayam bilang metodo, aking kikilalanin at ilalarawan ang mga pagbabago sa produksyon, organisasyon, at distribusyon ng seramiko sa Bagacay, Talibon sa Bohol pagkalipas ng tatlumpung taon at ngayong panahon ng pandemya.

Author(s):  
Kim Duistermaat

A brief discussion of two traditional approaches in the study of pottery production organization, ceramic ecology and typologies of production, identifies several key problems. In order to move forward and develop new strategies, it is proposed to adopt a symmetrical perspective, integrating methods and concepts from a variety of theoretical origins, including chaîne opératoire, object biography, relevant user groups or cadena, and entanglement. A brief case study outlining a proposed strategy for a relational approach to the study of ceramic production organization concludes the chapter.


Author(s):  
E. P. Ferrari

Abstract. This article presents a methodology for recording and documenting building processes using an anthropological approach. The village of Esfahak, in the region of South Khorasan (Iran) is situated in an arid environment scarce in water and trees. These conditions have resulted in the development of building forms that are almost entirely made out of earth. For centuries houses have been erected by local master masons utilizing only mud bricks and without the use of any architectural drawings. This research seeks to document how building processes unfold and are implemented in the village, for both restoration and new constructions. The researcher undertakes ethnographic fieldwork examining the relationship between villagers and their architecture. This approach is based on participant observation, engaging the local community to study how buildings were and are conceived, constructed, inhabited, maintained and restored. Moreover, the research employs an apprentice-style fieldwork method to access building sites. Thus, the researcher learns by doing with masons as a way to embody local knowledge, and not merely through passive observation. The work on site, given its processual nature, is documented through audio-visual recordings from both an external and first-person perspective. The use of head-mounted cameras facilitates review and discussion of building processes with the masons allowing for an in-depth understanding of this craft practice.


Author(s):  
Deepak Nair

AbstractThis article advances a methodological argument on how to do ethnographic fieldwork amid social elites and inaccessible bureaucracies in international politics. Instead of participant observation or semi-structured interviews, the article proposes “hanging out” as an alternative strategy to generate immersion and ethnographic insight. While the ethnographer studying “down” is arguably always “hanging out” (the village as the exemplary mise-en-scene of this genre), this technique takes a more defined form when studying “up” elites. Specifically, hanging out when studying “up” is a strategy where the fieldworker commits to a period of continuous residence amid members of a community; engages in ludic, informal, and often sociable interactions outside or at the sidelines of their professional habitats; and participates in a range of activities where building rapport is as important as the primary goals of the research. I illustrate this methodological strategy and its payoffs by reflecting upon a year of fieldwork among the diplomats and bureaucrats of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations—an informal, quiet, and often sub rosa diplomatic project run by a band of mostly authoritarian states in Southeast Asia. This article contributes to debates on the viability of ethnographic fieldwork in international relations (IR); advances a methodological corrective to fieldwork prescriptions in new micropolitical studies of practice, interactions, and emotions in IR; and offers a practical illustration of what studying “up” looks like in diplomacy and international politics.


Author(s):  
Francisco J. Núñez

This chapter focuses on the economic activity surrounding Phoenician ceramic production and distribution, in contrast with the traditional focus on ceramic typologies or other formal or chronological aspects. Given the limited data available, however, it is difficult to analyze the complex issues surrounding production to their full extent. Therefore, this chapter does not offer definitive answers. Instead, the chapter identifies diverse factors that play an important role in Phoenician pottery production, such as demand, planning, production, and distribution, as well as the respective dynamic behavior, incidence, and consequences accompanying each process, thus offering here an approach to Phoenician ceramics that breaks away from the rigidity of current models.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jillian M. Jordan ◽  
Keith M. Prufer

Utilitarian ceramic vessels form the bulk of artifact assemblages in the Maya Lowlands, but little is known about their production beyond the likelihood that they were made in a domestic context without elite involvement. Characterizing the production and distribution of these vessels is vital to understanding ancient Maya economic systems; nevertheless, this is a difficult task in the absence of primary production locales. We use spatial data, use-wear analyses on stone and ceramic tools, and analyses of finished products to identify households involved in ceramic production at three settlement groups at Uxbenka, Belize, during the Late Classic Period (A.D. 600–800). Our analyses indicate that Uxbenka potters were likely involved in some level of residential specialization focused on specific vessel forms. These data, in conjunction with ceramic data from nearby Lubaantun and Nim Li Punit, suggest that all three polities were self-sufficient in terms of utilitarian pottery production and primarily engaged in intrapolity distribution. We argue that this self-sufficiency is due to widely available resources, smaller population sizes, and the availability of high quality agricultural lands.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124162110216
Author(s):  
Firuzeh Shokooh Valle

Issues of power, inequality, and representation in the production of knowledge have a long history in transnational feminist research. And yet the unequal relationship between ethnographers and participants continues to haunt feminist research. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork with the cooperative Sulá Batsú in Costa Rica between 2015 and 2019, in this essay I argue that centering solidarity and working through discomfort creates relationships that can reinvent and endure the persistent imbalance of power between researcher and participant. I conceptualize a solidarity-based methodology that is uncomfortable, tossing between "us and them," the objective and the subjective, akin to Gloria Anzaldúa’s “nepantla,” a liminal space of both fragmentation and unification, of both anguish and healing: a methodology from the cracks. In this essay, I reflect upon my experiences as a Puerto Rican feminist researcher focusing on Sulá Batsú, specifically on my relationship with the coop’s general coordinator. I conducted ethnographic fieldwork with the coop, including participant observation, in-depth interviews, and textual analysis of their research, briefs, blog posts, presentations, and promotional literature.


Author(s):  
Loyalda T. Bolivar ◽  

A sadok or salakot is a farmer’s cherished possession, protecting him from the sun or rain. The Sadok, persisting up to the present, has many uses. The study of Sadok making was pursued to highlight an important product, as a cultural tradition in the community as craft, art, and part of indigenous knowledge in central Antique in the Philippines. Despite that this valuable economic activity needs sustainability, it is given little importance if not neglected, and seems to be a dying economic activity. The qualitative study uses ethnophenomenological approaches to gather data using interviews and participant observation, which aims to describe the importance of Sadok making. It describes how the makers learned the language of Sadok making, especially terms related to materials and processes. The study revealed that the makers of Sadok learned the language from their ancestors. They have lived with them and interacted with them since they were young. Sadok making is a way of life and the people observe their parents work and assist in the work which allows them to learn Sadok making. They were exposed to this process through observations and hands-on activities or ‘on-the-job’ informal training. They were adept with the terms related to the materials and processes involved in the making of Sadok as they heard these terms from them. They learned the terms bamboo, rattan, tabun-ak (leaves used) and nito (those creeping vines) as materials used in Sadok making. The informants revealed that the processes involved in the making of Sadok are long and tedious, starting from the soaking, curing and drying of the bamboo, cleaning and cutting these bamboo into desired pieces, then with the intricacies in arranging the tabun-ak or the leaves, and the weaving part, until the leaves are arranged, up to the last phase of decorating the already made Sadok. In summary, socialization is one important factor in learning the language and a cultural practice such as Sadok making. It is an important aspect of indigenous knowledge that must be communicated to the young for it to become a sustainable economic activity, which could impact on the economy of the locality. Local government units should give attention to this indigenous livelihood. Studies that would help in the enhancement of the products can likewise be given emphasis.


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