The public image of women in post-Taliban Afghanistan

Author(s):  
Dr Rose Fazli ◽  
Dr Anahita Seifi

The present article is an attempt to offer the concept of political development from a novel perspective and perceive the Afghan Women image in accordance with the aforementioned viewpoint. To do so, first many efforts have been made to elucidate the author’s outlook as it contrasts with the classic stance of the concept of power and political development by reviewing the literature in development and particularly political development during the previous decades. For example Post-World War II approaches to political development which consider political development, from the Hobbesian perspective toward power, as one of the functions of government. However in a different view of power, political development found another place when it has been understood via postmodern approaches, it means power in a network of relationships, not limited to the one-way relationship between ruler and obedient. Therefore newer concept and forces find their way on political development likewise “image” as a considerable social, political and cultural concept and women as the new force. Then, the meaning of “image” as a symbolic one portraying the common universal aspect is explained. The Afghan woman image emphasizing the historic period of 2001 till now is scrutinized both formally and informally and finally the relationship between this reproduced image of Afghan women and Afghanistan political development from a novel perspective of understanding is represented.

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fumie Yatagai

This paper focuses on the Japanese film director called Kenji Mizoguchi who worked not only the making films but gave the caricature impact to the Japanese society. He was touching with the Japanese philosophy and spirit before and after the World War II. He described the common life of the Japanese life, especially tracing on how the women were dis-treated because of the context of the machismo in the public and at home. Also, the women were prohibited to have good education. The Japanese women at that time had a harsh moment to find their identity. For instance, as I experienced the poverty and discriminations just to be a women, Mizoguchi’s film encouraged me and opened a door to the new life.


2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 396-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gielt Algra ◽  
Martin Elands ◽  
Jan René Schoeman

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 415-434
Author(s):  
Slobodan Selinić

Serbia’s political status after the death of Josip Broz was determined by two kinds of efforts by the state. Firstly, the Serbian leaders aimed to change its unequal status in federal Yugoslavia. Secondly, they aimed to stop fragmentation within Serbia, which grew steadily after the 1974 Constitution. Political relations between Serbian leaders on the one hand, and some political circles and leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the autonomous provinces on the other, were strained. They worsened even more after several clashes in 1983. Despite the opposition of politicians in Bosnia, Croatia, and Vojvodina to Dragoslav Marković (who was described as a strong advocate of Serbian political unity), he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ) in 1983. Serbo-Croatian relationships were further damaged after the publication of the book Enigma Kopinič in Belgrade. The Croatian leaders were against this publication because it revealed – as far as the Party was concerned – undesirable information about the interwar years and the period during World War II. The major confrontation came over the interpretation of events that occurred at the funeral of Aleksandar Ranković (mainly over who was responsible for the mass gathering and the respectful attitude toward the deceased). Federal party units, as well as those from the Yugoslav republics and from Belgrade, jointly condemned those events as a political rally against the government. However, they disagreed over who was responsible for the incident and what had caused the public outcry. The CK SKJ chairmanship members from the autonomous provinces, Croatia, and Bosnia accused Serbia and the Serbian Communist Party for the display of nationalism. They also held the Belgrade City Party Committee responsible for letting the rally happen. Contrary to this, the Belgrade City Committee led by Ivan Stambolić, whom the Serbian leadership supported, felt that the uproar was caused by the overall political, economic, and social crisis, for which the Federal government was to blame.


Author(s):  
Desmond Dinan

This edition examines the origins and evolution of the European Union and the development of European integration from the immediate post-World War II period, when politicians and the public seemed willing to share national sovereignty for the sake of greater security, to the shock of the eurozone crisis nearly seventy years later, when the EU lacked public and political support. Far from existing in isolation, the volume shows that the European Community and, later, the EU was inextricably linked with broader regional and international developments throughout that time. It features contributions from leading scholars of the EU, who discuss a wide range of issues including the common agricultural policy (CAP), the single market programme, the economic and monetary union (EMU), and EU enlargement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-124
Author(s):  
Shaul Magid

This contribution to the Common Knowledge symposium on xenophilia examines the life choices of two Jews who loved Christianity. Elijah Zvi Soloveitchik, born into an ultra-Orthodox, nineteenth-century rabbinic dynasty in Lithuania, spent much of his life writing a Hebrew commentary on the Gospels in order to document and argue for the symmetry or symbiosis that he perceived between Judaism and Christianity. Oswald Rufeisen, from a twentieth-century secular Zionist background in Poland, converted to Catholicism during World War II, became a monk, and attempted to immigrate to Israel as a Jew in 1958. Rufeisen, while permitted to move to Israel to join a Carmelite monastery in Haifa, was denied the right to immediate citizenship of Israel which the Law of Return guarantees to all bona fide Jews. And this particular Soloveitchik has largely been forgotten, given the limits of Jewish interest in the New Testament and of Christian attention to rabbinic literature. This article explores the complex and vexing questions that the careers of these two men raise about the elusive distinctions between Judaism and Christianity, on the one hand, and, on the other, between the Jewish religion and Jewish national identity.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.


Naharaim ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gil Rubin

AbstractThis commentary serves as an introduction to Salo Baron’s obituary of Hannah Arendt and surveys the relationship between the two. Despite their significantly different backgrounds and public image, Arendt and Baron shared a close personal and professional relationship that began in the early 1940s and lasted throughout Arendt’s life. Baron and Arendt played leading roles in the project of salvaging Jewish culture from Europe during and in the aftermath of World War II. Their work for Jewish cultural reconstruction was based on a shared outlook on the ‘Jewish Question’. Both Arendt and Baron were deeply alarmed by the dangers ethnic nationalism in Europe posed for the Jews and promoted political programs that sought to overcome the nation-state in Europe, Palestine and the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-396
Author(s):  
Miroslav Válka

Our target is to assess how the Czech and the Slovak ethnography developed in the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938), whether it displayed international connotations, and to what extent it responded to the common European development of this discipline. Research contacts between Slavic ethnographers and geographers influenced one of the ethnographic research lines in Czechoslovakia, and the evidence for this are the application of Jovan Cvijic?s Anthropogeographic School and the application of cultural and geographical research line in interwar Czechoslovakia?s science. Between the world wars, Czechoslovak ethnographers paid attention to Slovakia and to Carpathian Ruthenia, where forms of traditional folk culture still actively lived on. Ethnography in the interwar Czechoslovakia can be considered to be an important part of evolving European ethnology. Unfortunately, this advancement was interrupted by political development after World War II.


Author(s):  
Alexandra L. Wood

ABSTRACTThis paper argues that a shared reluctance to confront the causes and consequences of historical injustices endured by ethno-cultural minorities has hampered efforts by educators and activists in British Columbia to inform the public about Japanese Canadian internment during World War II. This reluctance was felt keenly by internment survivors, whose sense of trust in the wider civic community has not yet been re-established. Meanwhile, a desire to “turn the page” on past wrongs — for fear that drawing attention to such episodes generates inter-ethnic tension rather than promotes unity amongst Canada’s multicultural populace — has hindered federal and provincial involvement in educational activities related to WWII internment. Yet as this study suggests, refusal to participate in collective renegotiations of public memory about historical injustices does little to repair the relationship between the wronged group and wider public, or to prevent similar injustices from occurring again in the future.RÉSUMÉCet article décrit les efforts entrepris par des éducateurs et des activistes pour informer la population de la Colombie Britannique au sujet de l’internement des Canadiens d’origine japonaisependant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ils durent faire face à une forte résistance du public qui refusait de confronter les causes et les conséquences des injustices subies par les minorités ethnoculturelles à cette époque. Les victimes de l’internement ont ressenti vivement cette dénégation d’autant plus qu’ils n’ont pas réussi à rétablir complètement la confiance au sein de la collectivité. En même temps, l’envie de « tourner la page » sur les maux du passé — motivée par la crainte que le fait d’attirer l’attention sur de tels épisodes génère de la tension interethnique au lieu de promouvoir l’unité dans une population multiculturelle — a fait obstacle aux activités éducatives mises en place par les gouvernements provincial et fédéral quant à l’internement. Mais, comme le suggère cette étude, le refus collectif d’affronter ces injustices historiques nepeut que nuire au rapprochement entre le groupe lésé et la société toute entière ainsi qu’à la prévention de telles injustices dans l’avenir.


2021 ◽  
pp. 155541202110052
Author(s):  
Andrew P. Young

In looking at the history of U.S. military execution during World War II, this article explores the relationship between memory and psychological interference in the browser-based game Disavowed (2021). As an interesting example of the palimpsestuous negotiation between individual identity, narrativity, and cultural memory, Disavowed structures itself through the misremembering of an actual historical encounter. In such a way, it reconstructs a false history of events misconstrued within the memory of the game designer, put into dissonance with historical documentation of what “really happened” – an execution witnessed by tens of thousands of soldiers, but that seems largely erased from the record. The result is an interplay between the memories of veteran Theodore “Ted” Eaker, the public awareness of Private Eddie Slovik’s execution, and the journey to piece together what is a fractured, unreliable and racially problematic history of the practice of military execution.


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