scholarly journals Harcèlement de rue à Paris dans le film Paris je t'aime sur la séquence de Quais de Seine

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 00031
Author(s):  
Nabila Nurul Putri ◽  
Suma Riella Rusdiarti

<p class="Abstract">This article talks about the depiction of harassment in the street&nbsp;<span style="font-size: 1rem;">happening in the Quais de Seine’s scene in the film Paris Je t’aime. The&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">film depicts the story of women harassed in the street by strangers&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">who shouted to her uncomfortable words that usually happens in&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">Paris. Street harassment is public bullying happening in the street,&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">usually driven by sexual desire that transforms in to verbal and&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">physical contacts. The goal of this research is to comprehend the&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">street harassment focusing on Quais de Seine’s scene in Paris Je t’aime.&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">Cinematography and narrative elements show the type of harassment&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">and how it is contested by both perpetrators and victims. This article&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">uses qualitative and literary methods to analyze the data. The result&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">shows that the victims of street harassment are generally experienced&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">by women of color; whereas, the perpetrators are usually different&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">men of color. Also, this research found that street harassment isn’t&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 1rem;">only about sexual desire but it also intersects with religious value.</span></p>

Author(s):  
Beth Reingold

Descriptive representation, or the presence of women and minorities in public office, is the central focus of Chapter 2. Why are some legislatures more diverse than others? Why are some constituencies more likely to elect women and minorities? Chapter 2 addresses these questions about the political geography of race, gender, and representation with an intersectional lens. It re-evaluates existing theories about the electoral barriers and disadvantages facing women and minorities and tests an alternative theory that women of color, through intersectional resistance and resilience, can overcome such obstacles. Based on an analysis of descriptive representation in all state houses and house seats in 2005, the findings suggest the electoral fortunes of women of color are no less constrained than those of men of color or White women. Rather, women of color face a variety of structural challenges—and opportunities—that are similar to and different from those faced by others.


Author(s):  
John D Marvel

Abstract We examine how occupation, race, and sex interact to affect employees’ probability of promotion to the upper reaches of federal agencies’ personnel hierarchies. Three interrelated questions draw our attention. First, we are interested in whether employees who are members of an agency’s dominant occupational group are more likely to be promoted to Senior Executive Service (SES) positions than employees who are members of non-dominant occupational groups. Second, we are interested in whether any such occupational advantage, if it exists, is enjoyed equally by white men, white women, men of color, and women of color. Third, we examine whether the magnitude of dominant occupational advantages varies between agencies. We use rich, micro-level personnel data that span the years 1979–2013 to address these questions. Our results suggest that members of dominant occupations are more likely to be promoted than members of non-dominant occupations; that white men, white women, men of color, and women of color tend to benefit from this advantage equally; and that occupational advantages vary considerably between agencies.


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Katheryn Crawford ◽  
Esperanza Martell ◽  
Mustafa Sullivan ◽  
Jessie Ngok

When we take the time to face internalized oppression, anything we want becomes possible. Urban Atabex Organizing and Healing in Community Network invites organizers and agents of change to be in community, to heal from internalized oppression, and to create another world that we know is possible, for ourselves, family, community, and the world. Through community healing circles and liberation workshops, this work is dedicated to ending violence against women of color and fighting to end the triple threat of patriarchy, white supremacy, and capitalism. The emotional release model is a framework and set of practices for self-healing from internalized oppression and liberation, by centering indigenous earth-based spirituality, Paulo Freire’s methodology, and spirit guided energy work. This orientation to healing creates transformative possibilities and opportunities for intentional community care. Over the past ten years, the workshops and trainings have expanded the collective to include men of color, queer and trans people, and people of European descent in the fight for our liberation. This work has created the possibility of peace and justice in our lifetime.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 571-592
Author(s):  
Eva Boodman

More women are currently incarcerated than at any other time in US history. Though the United States has begun to acknowledge mass incarceration as an international embarrassment, the discourse has centered on men of color, and the experiences and consequences of US mass incarceration for women of color have been largely ignored. This is the case in spite of a now strong mainstream, institutionalized movement to end violence against women, and a growing prison reform movement ostensibly meant to help vulnerable women. This paper uses the method of immanent critique to explain why women of color have been left behind by reform strategies, and to make a normative argument for abolitionist strategies. I use Beth E. Richie’s analysis of the failure of the feminist anti-violence movement to protect poor women of color, to expose the contradictory circumstance that turns “public safety” and “anti-violence” against the women they claim to protect, and to argue that reform is not enough.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003465432110545
Author(s):  
Nolan L. Cabrera ◽  
Alex K. Karaman ◽  
Tracy Arámbula Ballysingh ◽  
Yadira G. Oregon ◽  
Eliaquin A. Gonell ◽  
...  

The underrepresentation and underperformance of men of color relative to women of color within institutions of higher education have been extensively studied the past 20 years. The purpose of this study is to understand trends in how this research has been conducted rather than understand “best practices” to support this student population. To achieve this, we reviewed 153 pieces of scholarship from 1999 to 2019 using an intersectional and critical content analysis approach. Findings revealed that the bulk of scholarship involved onetime interviews for its empirical foundations, and the overwhelming majority centered the racial experiences of Black and Latinx men. In contrast, few analyses critically explored gender, sexual orientation, or social class. Additionally, scholarship that centered Asian American, Indigenous, multiracial, and trans* men of color was scant or nonexistent. Given these large gaps in the knowledge base, we offer guidance for the next generation of men of color in higher education scholarship in terms of analytical foci, theoretical frameworks, and methodologies.


Author(s):  
Beth Reingold

Research shows that Black and Latinx legislators make a difference in the welfare policies states enact. Do women also make a distinctive contribution? Focusing on state welfare reform in the mid-1990s, Chapter 6 weighs the efficacy of two alternative approaches to answering that question. An additive approach, which treats gender and race/ethnicity as mutually exclusive, suggests that female legislators—regardless of race/ethnicity—will mitigate the more restrictive and punitive aspects of welfare reform, much like their Black and Latinx counterparts do. In contrast, an intersectional approach, which emphasizes the interdependence of gender and race/ethnicity, suggests that legislative women of color will have the strongest countervailing effect on state welfare reform—stronger than that of other women or men of color. The analysis demonstrates that an intersectional approach yields a better understanding of race, gender, and representation: legislative women of color have a distinctive impact on welfare policy in the states.


1998 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 119-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goldmeier ◽  
Green
Keyword(s):  

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