Засоби реалізації стратегії негативної презентації опонентів як маркери концептуальних стилів Дж. Буша Мол. і Б. Обами

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-85
Author(s):  
Діана Каліщук

У статті розглянуті мовленнєві маніпуляції як інструментальне вираження персуазивності у мовленні. Маніпуляцію розглядають як особливу комунікативно-мовленнєву стратегію здійснення впливу в політичному дискурсі, яка реалізується через низку тактик. Вибір тактик зазнає впливу концептуального стилю автора політичного дискурсу. У статті проаналізовані тактики реалізації стратегії негативної презентації «інших», зокрема, тактики «Надгенералізація» та «Екземпліфікація», як маркери концептуальних стилів президентів США Дж. Буша мол. та Б. Обами. Доведено, що особливості мовлення носіїв різних стилів зумовлюють вищу частотність певних тактик та, відповідно, нижчу частотність інших тактик. Тактика «Екземпліфікація» – це перенесення рис, що притаманні певній етнічній (чи іншій) групі загалом на конкретну подію чи особу. Ця тактика може вважатися типовою для дискурсу Дж. Буша мол., концептуальний стиль якого є аналітичним, що пояснюється дедуктивністю мовлення носіїв аналітичного стилю та їх схильністю до надмірного використання ярликів. Індуктивність мовлення Б. Обами, який є носієм реляційного концептуального стилю, пояснює вищу частотність тактики «Надгенералізація» у його дискурсі. «Надгенералізація» – це узагальнення одиничної моделі, певних аспектів часткового досвіду до загальної групової схеми. ЛітератураReferences Бережанська Ю. В. Лінгвостилістичні особливості персуазивного медичногодискурсу, присвяченого проблемі евтаназії // Наукові записки Національногоуніверситету «Острозька академія». Серія «Філологічна»: зб. наук. праць. 2014. Вип.44. С. 39–41.Berezhanska, Yu. (2014). Linhvostylistychni osoblyvosti persuazyvnoho medychnohodyskursu, prysvyachenoho problemi evtanasii [Linguo-stylistic peculiarities of medicaldiscourse dedicated to the issue of eutanasia]. Naukovi Zapysky NatsionalnohoUniversytetu “Ostroz’ka Academia”, 44, 39–41. 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Litera ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Tamara Anikyan

This article examines the expressive potential of prosodic means based on the 2014 State of the Union Address to Congress delivered by the President of the United States Barack Obama “On the State of the Country”. Special attention is given to the discursive characteristics of the text and the peculiarities of communicative situation, including such prosodic parameters as pausation, tone and intensity, word accents, as well as capabilities of the syllabic consonants. The author employs auditive and instrumental methods for the analysis of speech fragments of the politician, which illustrates the effectiveness of modifications of suprasegmental speech characteristics for achieving the optimal rhetorical effect in the information-enriched text. The relevance of this research is defined by need for comprehensive analysis of the political discourse and techniques used to influence the audience. The scientific novelty lies in consideration of the expressive capabilities of prosodic means in the political texts with consideration of various extralinguistic factors, as well as within the specific type of political discourse – orientation genre as a speech of information-prescriptive nature. The acquired results demonstrate the expressive potential of suprasegmental means in oral speech, and can be implemented in teaching students-philologists the principles of analysis of political texts from the perspective of expressive syntax, prosody, cognitive syllabics, and rhetoric.


Author(s):  
Odile Moreau

This chapter explores movement and circulation across the Mediterranean and seeks to contribute to a history of proto-nationalism in the Maghrib and the Middle East at a particular moment prior to World War I. The discussion is particularly concerned with the interface of two Mediterranean spaces: the Middle East (Egypt, Ottoman Empire) and North Africa (Morocco), where the latter is viewed as a case study where resistance movements sought external allies as a way of compensating for their internal weakness. Applying methods developed by Subaltern Studies, and linking macro-historical approaches, namely of a translocal movement in the Muslim Mediterranean, it explores how the Egypt-based society, al-Ittihad al-Maghribi, through its agent, Aref Taher, used the press as an instrument for political propaganda, promoting its Pan-Islamic programme and its goal of uniting North Africa.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 297-301
Author(s):  
Mohamed S. Helal

On March 19, 2011, the United States, its European allies, and its Arab partners launched an eight-month intervention in Libya. This was said to be necessary because Mu'amar Gaddafi, Libya's longtime ruler, was responding to mass protests against his over forty-year dictatorial reign by waging war on his own people. As President Barack Obama explained, without international intervention “the calls of the Libyan people for help would go unanswered. The democratic values that we stand for would be overrun. Moreover, the words of the international community would be rendered hollow.”


Antiquity ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (245) ◽  
pp. 829
Author(s):  
P. J. Fowler

After an adventurous birth bouncing from Venezuela to Colombia and back, the Second World Archaeological Congress duly and amicably took place in Barquisimeto, Venezuela, between 4 and 8 September 1990. Some 500 people attended, many of them gratifyingly young. Sadly absent were representatives from the USSR, China and the Middle East, but otherwise participants came from the Americas, North (not many), Middle (Mexico), and South (notably Venezuelans, Peruvians and Colombians); the whole of Europe (including former Eastern bloc countries but numerically mainly Britons); Africa and India, intellectually articulate and influential as ever; and Australasia. Jack Golson (Canberra) was elected new President with Larry Zimmerman (South Dakota) taking over as Secretary, and Sue Bulmer (Auckland) as Treasurer.


Author(s):  
G. R. Boynton ◽  
Glenn W. Richardson Jr.

Analysis of the audiences for the state of the union addresses on Twitter from 2010-2012 provides analytical leverage in unpacking the concept of audience, which has largely inhabited an analytical “black box,” seen as of critical importance but little understood. The authors frame audience as “co-motion” as it evolves from a broadcast medium to a medium of interaction in three moves: hashtags that establish a space for gathering, retweets that share reading, and sharing of urls that serve to communicate importance, evaluative judgment, and justification. They contrast the response of the congressional audience and the Twitter audience and find, while there was substantial overlap in their applause, members of Congress were less responsive than the Twitter audience to the president's calls for them to meet their responsibilities and less responsive to criticisms of major corporations. The authors find a vibrant political discourse on Twitter reaching a potential audience that rivals in size that of television, as audience becomes the public domain.


2020 ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Corrigan

While the tensions between white hope and black despair were a dynamic that characterized politics in the Long Sixties, their structure is recursive. That is, the (positive and negative racial) feelings that undergird racial liberalism did not stop emerging and receding after law and order campaigns destroyed civil rights and Black Power organizing in the mid-70s. Nowhere is this clearer than in the entrance and disappearance of the so-called “Obama coalition” in 2008 to elect Barack Obama as the first biracial/black president in U.S. history. In considering how hope continues to be inextricably linked to rage, contempt, and despair, this brief conclusion considers hope as an ironic discourse of liberalism, particularly as it is racialized. The birth of Afro- pessimism as a coterminous discourse with what we now call the “post-racial” Obama coalition is important because it demonstrates how black feelings in the Long Sixties continue to shape national political discourse, demonstrating how affective politics are iterative as well as how they change over time.


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