scholarly journals A paroquialização como fenômeno geopolítico e estratégia biopolítica no processo de formação da república no Brasil

2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (310) ◽  
pp. 318
Author(s):  
Rogério Luiz de Souza

O artigo tem o objetivo de compreender o processo geopolítico de constituição da República no Brasil a partir das tecnologias do poder pastoral, disciplinar e normalizador adotadas pela Igreja católica. Parte-se do pressuposto de que foi preciso reativar e redefinir o poder pastoral enquanto tecnologia de poder e atribuir à Igreja católica a tarefa de reorganizar a repartição espacial do território brasileiro como condição para a multiplicação dos dispositivos disciplinares na sociedade e para o controle normalizador da população e sua prevenção biossocial. Mais que a criação de dioceses, a proliferação de paróquias constituiuse como a mais eficaz maquinaria geopolítica dos primeiros tempos da República. Esta governabilidade republicana requereu a constituição de uma geopolítica por meio de um poder pastoral para fazer aparecer um novo paradigma tecnológico e ordenador do exercício do poder normalizador e estatal sobre a população brasileira. A República que nasceu no Brasil precisou transformar seu próprio território em mecanismo estratégico e tecnológico de controle da sua população, em vista de uma lógica do biopoder. A paróquia, como organismo administrativo da Igreja católica e modelador do espaço geográfico e político brasileiro, mostrou-se o melhor veículo da ação governamental na tarefa de apresentar a República ao Brasil.Abstract: The objective of the article is to understand the geopolitical process of the Brazilian Republic’s constitution starting from the technological pastoral power, the disciplinary, and the normalizing power adopted by the Catholic Church. It is assumed that it was necessary to reactivate and redefine pastoral power as a technological power and to assign to the Catholic Church the task of reorganizing the spatial distribution of Brazilian territory as a condition for the multiplication of disciplinary devices in society to normalize the control of the population. During the early period of the Republic, the proliferation of parishes established an even more powerful and effective geopolitical power and control over the population than the dioceses. This republican governance required the use of geopolitics by the pastoral power to construct the appearance of a new technological paradigm and implementation of the normalizing of state power over the Brazilian population. The Republic that was established in Brazil needed to transform its own strategic and technological mechanism to control its population, with the view of the logic of biopower. The parish, as an administrative body of the Catholic Church and shaped the Brazilian geographical and political space, proved to be the best vehicle for government action in the task of presenting the idea of the Republic to Brazil.Keywords: Secular republic; Catholic Church; Parishes; Geopolitics; Biopower.

2021 ◽  
pp. 292-304
Author(s):  
Jennifer Walker

Taking the 1903 death of Pope Leo XIII as its starting point, the conclusion extends beyond the legal separation of Church and State (1905) in order to trace the ways in which the processes of transformation that were set in motion during the late nineteenth century continued well into the twentieth century. Pierre Nora’s concept of the lieu de memoire illuminates the numerous ways that the sites of Catholic and French memory that the book explores—whether as opera, popular theatre, or concert—found an extraordinary ally in the Republic as it collectively harnessed the power of memory. From its “origin” in the French medieval era, to its transformations throughout the fin-de-siècle, to the response to the devastating fire at Notre-Dame in 2019, the Catholic Church provided (and continues to provide) a new mode of expression for the French Republic. In effect, the success of the twentieth-century renouveau catholique was set in motion by its nineteenth-century forbear: the path was paved by the Republic’s musical Ralliement and the memorialization of its Catholic past as a fundamental cornerstone of its modern existence.


1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Lincoln

In the first weeks of the Spanish civil war, there occurred massive popular assaults against the Catholic Church in those cities which did not fall to the Nationalists rising, the Church having been widely (and correctly) perceived as hostile to the Republic and sympathetic to the generals who sought its overthrow. As rumors of priests firing on the populace from church towers circulated wildly, churches and convents were rapidly sacked and burnt. Supporters of the Republic killed religious personnel in large numbers—certainly well into the thousands—while desecrating and destroying church paraphernalia and cultic objects en masse.


Open Theology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zlatko Šram

AbstractThe aims of this research were to determine: (1) the existence of an internally consistent and valid latent construct of the Satanic syndrome, and (2) if psychopathy and depression are significant predictors of the Satanic syndrome within different sex and ethnic subsamples. We conducted a survey in a community sample of adult Christians in the region of eastern Croatia where the Croats (most who are members of the Roman Catholic Church) live together with a Serbian ethnic minority (most who are members of the Serbian Orthodox Church). The equalized convenience sample (N=1100) was divided into two sex and ethnic homogenous subgroups. The Satanic syndrome proved to be characterized as a one-dimensional factorial construct indicating the importance of participating in Satanic rituals; psychic seances during which the dead are called to appear; persons becoming knowledgeable about black magic; being a member of an occult society; and reading books and magazines that deal with esoteric and occult issues. Multiple regression analysis showed that psychopathy and depression were significant predictors of the Satanic syndrome within both sex and ethnic different groups. Within male, female, Croatian and Serbian ethnic minority samples, the amount of variances explained by the predictor variables were 20, 18, 20, and 16 percent, respectively. There is evidence that depressive psychopaths are attracted to the Satanic syndrome as a means of obtaining magical power and control over their destiny, regardless of sex and ethnic differences. The hypothesis confirmed that comorbidity of psychopathy and depression expresses the existence of a destructive sub-personality underlying the Satanic syndrome which indicates the existence of Satanic spirituality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Cienciała

Abstract At the end of 2012, there were 174 churches and religious associations operating in Poland (GUS 2014). Most of the individuals (nearly 96%) are the followers of the Roman Catholic Church. The Catholic Church and its organizational units have legal personality, thereby enabling them to acquire, possess and dispose of the title to real estate and other property rights, and administer the properties. In the years 1944-1962, almost all ecclesiastical real estates were nationalized. The asset-related situation of church legal persons was regulated upon the entry into force of the Act of 17 May 1989 on the relations between the State and the Catholic Church in the Republic of Poland. In 1991-2004, the legislator also regulated the legal status of many other churches and religious associations. Moreover, a fairly uniform system of ecclesiastical reprivatization was developed. For the purposes of the publication, analyses of selected aspects concerning the management of real estates owned by legal persons of churches and other religious associations in Poland have been carried out. Cases of the approaches adopted in other exemplary countries have also been presented. The intention is to indicate the rules in force as well as the problems encountered in this regard.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 209-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Heyman

Meerten B. ter Borg argued that canons function as a means of social control. The success of a canon follows not from the assent or agreement of the populace, but rather from the embedded quasi-personal relationship that produces a sense of belonging and identity. The objectified canon takes over this quasi-personal feature, which guarantees a canon’s sanctity. Calling scripture or law “canonical” thus transcendentalizes a text and allows it to retain a sacred quality that in turn effects social control through a shared sense of belonging. This thesis is confirmed and elaborated through a review of the conceptions of canon operative in the Catholic Church during the thirteenth, the sixteenth, and the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In all these periods, the Catholic Church modified its conception of the canonical nature of both its scriptures and its laws in order to strengthen corporate identity and to establish order and control within and without its perimeter.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-200
Author(s):  
Ante Delić

The Vatican had never recognized the Independent State of Croatia (henceforth ISC) in accordance with its traditional policy of not giving recognition to the countries formed in war until hostilities cease and peace treaties come into effect. However, a few months after the declaration of the ISC, the Holy See sent an apostolic visitor to the Croatian Catholic episcopate in Zagreb, Dr. Ramiro Marcone, a monk from the Benedictine abbey in Montevergine, Italy. Marcone was accompanied by his secretary, Dr. Giuseppe Masucci, also a Benedictine monk. The two men lived in Zagreb until the end of the ISC in 1945 but also stayed for some time after that. In accordance with their duties, Marcone and Masucci were in contact with the archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, on a daily basis and were thus well-informed about numerous issues of the time, especially those pertaining to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the government of ISC. The Catholic hierarchy headed by archbishop Stepinac, welcomed the proclamation of ISC and throughout the war expressed their belief that the Croatian people had the right to its own independent state. Abbot Marcone and his secretary Masucci acted in synergy with archbishop Stepinac. In accordance with his mission Marcone submitted reports to the Holy See while his secretary Masucci kept notes in his diary. One can observe Masucci's constant work on saving the persecuted, specially Jews from his diary (which has two different versions in Croatian translation). After the end of ISC, Masucci and Marcone were under strict surveillance and control of the secret service of the new communist regime which considered the Catholic Church an enemy of the state and openly persecuted it with the intention of destroying it. Abbot Marcone travelled to Rome on 10 July 1945 and the Yugoslav authorities denied him re-entry. His secretary Masucci also left Yugoslavia on 20 March 1946 after constant pressure from the new administration and was also denied re-entry.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Curtis

Michel Foucault’s analysis of pastoral power has generated a large body of work in many different disciplines. Much of it has considered the paradox of the power of “each and all” or has seen pastoral power as an extension of the disciplinary gaze into welfare state policy. The political economy of the pastorate and the mutual dependence of sovereign and pastoral power, by contrast, are both relatively neglected. This article focuses on the exercise of pastoral power in a moral and political economy and examines the “arts of government” through which the Catholic Church attempted to claim that pastors lived from the flock only to live for it. While there is heuristic value in Foucault’s diagram of pastoral power, in practice that power cannot be separated from class relations and political sovereignty. Empirical material is drawn from the novel attempt of Britain to govern its Quebec colony through the Catholic Church.


Author(s):  
George V. Dik ◽  

The article examines the problem of the ideological and policy influence of the Church on colonial politics and the establishment of equality during the 1789 Revolution, based on the material of the Parliamentary Archives, memoirs of contemporaries and an extensive body of scientific literature. The author shows that in the first years after the Revolution neither the Church nor the State sought to provide the inhabitants of the colonies with equal rights with the population of the republic, which caused discontent that threatened the success of further revolutionary transformations. It is concluded that the colonial policy did not implement the revolutionary idea of human natural freedom, and the Catholic Church did not advocate the abolition of slavery. Only a few of its representatives, such as Abbot Gregoire, a member of the Society of Friends of Black and an active abolitionist, tried to find a way to enter the colonies and their populations into the new republic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 108 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-326
Author(s):  
Kristin Engh Førde ◽  
Arnfinn J. Andersen

AbstractI denne artikkelen undersøkes bekymringssamtalen, som ofte blir omtalt som et sentralt verktøy i norske myndigheters arbeid med å forebygge radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme. Slike samtaler blir gjennomført med personer som er antatt å være i risiko for radikalisering. Hensikten er å innhente informasjon, korrigere atferd, identifisere behov for hjelp, samt å tilby hjelp dersom det trengs. Inspirert av Foucault og hans tenkning om pastoralmakt analyserer vi bekymringssamtalen som myndighetsutøvelse, der til dels motstridende agendaer – av statlig kontroll og statlig omsorg – kommer sammen i det som konseptualiseres som «bekymring». Videre argumenterer vi for at bekymringssamtalen eksemplifiserer og synliggjør mer overordnede dilemmaer og konflikter i myndighetenes forebyggingsinnsats på dette feltet, hvor bekymring gir mening og legitimitet til det vi ser som en problematisk sammenstilling av omsorgs- og kontrolltiltak og av sosialpolitiske og sikkerhetspolitiske agendaer.AbstractIn this article we set our sights on what is often referred to as a key instrument for countering violent extremism in Norway, the conversation of concern [Bekymringssamtale in Norwegian], usually referred to in English as the police conversation intervention. The conversation is conducted with individuals assumed to be at risk of radicalisation with the aim of obtaining information, modifying behaviour, identifying any needs for help, and offering help if needed. We argue that this intervention clearly demonstrates certain dilemmas and conflicts inherent in the Norwegian Government’s recent policies on counter-extremism, where the concept of «concern» [bekymring] encompasses control and care, and includes agendas related to security and welfare, respectively. Applying a Foucauldian conceptual framework, we analyse the conversation of concern as a technique of pastoral power in which conflicting agendas interact in problematic ways, and the exercising of state power and control is neutralised through a notion of a general common good; «concern».


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