British Aestheticism and the Urban Working Classes,1870–1900: Beauty for the People, by Diana Maltz

2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-701
Author(s):  
Christine DeVine
2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682098238
Author(s):  
Miloš Šumonja

The news is old – neoliberalism is dead for good, but this time, even Financial Times knows it. Obituaries claim that it had died from the coronavirus, as the state, not the markets, have had to save both the people and the economy. The argument of the article is that these academic and media interpretations of ‘emergency Keynesianism’ misidentify neoliberalism with its anti-statist rhetoric. For neoliberalism is, and has always been, about ‘the free market and the strong state’. In fact, rather than waning in the face of the coronavirus crisis, neoliberal states around the world are using the ongoing ‘war against the virus’ to strengthen their right-hand grip on the conditions of the working classes.


1979 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 415-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. W. Bebbington

The late nineteenth-century city posed problems for English nonconformists. The country was rapidly being urbanised. By 1881 over one third of the people lived in cities with a population of more than one hundred thousand. The most urbanised areas gave rise to the greatest worry of all the churches: large numbers there were failing to attend services. The religious census of 1851 had already shown that the largest towns were the places where there were the fewest worshippers, although nonconformists gained some crumbs of comfort from the knowledge that nonconformist attendances were greater than those of the church of England. Unofficial surveys in the 1880S revealed no improvement. Instead, although few were immediately conscious of it, in that decade the membership of all the main evangelical nonconformist denominations began to fall relative to population. And it was always the same social group that was most conspicuously unreached: the lower working classes, the bottom of the social pyramid. In poor neighbourhoods church attendance was lowest. In Bethnal Green at the turn of the twentieth century, for instance, only 6.8% of the adult population attended chapel, and only 13.3% went to any place of worship. Consequently nonconformists, like Anglicans, were troubled by the weakness of their appeal.


Author(s):  
Saeko Yoshikawa

Chapter 7 explores how the cultural identity of the Lake District was redefined and preserved after the First World War through two trends: new global tourism, and the advent of outdoor movements. First it focuses on foreign visitors, including American and Japanese tourists, who have made no slight contribution to the re-invention of ‘Wordsworth Country’. Then it explores some of the new walkers’ guides, including those by William Thomas Palmer, Maxwell Fraser and Henry Herbert Symonds, that were particularly attuned to foot-stepping through Wordsworth’s Lake District and encouraged readers to go back to Romantic pedestrianism. The chapter also pays attention to how the hiking and cycling boom among urban working classes changed the tourist landscape in the Lake District, becoming the driving force behind conservation and access campaigns and the new National Parks movement. Taken as a whole, the chapter investigates how Wordsworth’s legacy was preserved and then rehabilitated in the interwar era of mass motoring.


1952 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
B. R. Hinchliff ◽  
E. T. O. Slater ◽  
M. Woodside

1974 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Hopkins

Everybody imagines he knows about working conditions in Victorian England, particularly the excessively long hours resulting from the use of machinery to which the workers became increasingly enslaved. In the famous words of James Philip Kay, “Whilst the engine runs the people must work – men, women and children are yoked together with iron and steam. The animal machine – breakable in the best case, subject to a thousand sources of suffering – is chained to the iron machine, which knows no suffering and no weariness.” It is equally well-known that the worst aspect of employment was the exploitation of women and small children in textile factories and mines. Factory conditions were causing disquiet as early as the 1780's, and the revelations of the witnesses before a succession of committees and commissions in the early part of the nineteenth century are too familiar to need repeating here. The same may be said of conditions in the mines. Who has not been moved by that description of girls at work in the mines of the West Riding – “Chained, belted, harnessed, like dogs in a go-cart, black, saturated with wet, and more than half naked […] they present an appearance indescribably disgusting and unnatural”? Yet it is also common knowledge that factory and mine workers were only a minority among the working classes at the mid-century, numbering about 1¾ millions compared with the 5½ millions employed in non-mechanised industry. Agriculture and domestic service, in fact, employed twice the number of those working in manufacture and mining at this time.


2013 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-48
Author(s):  
M. P. Sendbuehler

In the nineteenth century, the tavern was an important institution in urban working-class life. Because of the social ills associated with alcohol abuse and public drinking, there were frequent attempts to lessen the tavern's importance or to eliminate it entirely. This paper examines several tavern-related issues that emerged in Toronto in the 1870s and 1880s. The Crooks Act, passed in 1876, employed powerful measures to deal with political and temperance questions simultaneously. The intersection of class, politics, temperance, and urban life led to a territorial solution to the liquor question. These issues were dealt with by the people of Toronto in 1877, when they declined to prohibit public drinking in the city via the Dunkin Act, a local option prohibition statute of the Province of Canada.


Author(s):  
Samridhi Kanwar ◽  
Roshan Lal Zinta ◽  
Anurag Sharma

Jealousy, the shadow of love and green eyed-monster that on the one hand has ruined marital homeostasis of millions of couples by creating fraction amongst the families and on the other also seems equally beneficial for promoting their La Dolce Vita philosophy of happiness across the world. It seems that foremost source of this covetous issue might be the insecurity and fear of being abandoned by one of the cherished partner due to extra marital relationship. The reason behind such apprehension might be the excessive flow of money, poverty that push away the people to leave sedentary mode of life and to adopt nomadic way, mismatch of thoughts, emotions and behavior, values of life, over involvement, much or less care, violation of customary practices, eating and sleeping habits, pro-social attitude, less mindfulness and more money mindedness; selfishness, performing job and business outside the native place. Such issues may results jealous by hampering their marital relationship in general and personal development in particular. Once a time when there use to be a faith and sacred relationship in marriage in India, that in contemporary Kaliyug scenario has diluted and faded away by converting into suspiciousness and jealousy. The level of jealous may differ among the working and non-working people in general and the rural and urban men and women in both developed and developing countries in particular as well as in hilly areas like Himachal Pradesh where the people are very honest now has followed the path of astuteness that in turn has disturbed their marital homeostasis. In the present study a pioneer attempt has been made to explore the relationship between jealousy and marital adjustment among 200 Working and Non-Working Couples of Rural and Urban areas of Himachal Pradesh. Based on locality and gender, 8 groups namely Urban Working Men, Urban Non-Working Men; Urban Working Women; Urban Non-Working Women; Rural Working Men, Rural Non-Working Men; Rural Working Women; and Rural Non-Working Women with n = 25 subjects in each have been formed. These subjects were assessed with the help of Multidimensional Jealousy Scale as developed by Susan M. Peiffer and Paul T.P. Wong in 1989’s with seven point scale where the score ranged from minimum of 8 to maximum of 56 with the reliability of r = .83 to r =.92 respectively. The marital adjustment was measured with the Revised Dyadic Adjustment Scale as developed by Busby, Christensen, and Larson in 1995 that has 14 items with five and six point scale with a minimum score of 0 and maximum of 69 and reliability of r = 0.90 respectively. The result revealed that Men reported well adjusted marital life but were more in Jealousy as compared to their Women counterparts. The Non-Working Men enjoyed satisfied life thereof were well adjusted despite being reporting more Jealous as compared to Non-working Women counterpart. In the same tune, the Urban people reported better adjusted marital life but more jealousy than to the people of Rural area. For promoting better marital life there is need to reduce jealousy, promoting faith, self-esteem, mindfulness, self-esteem, confidence and vision by following honesty and yogic way of life amongst the men who seems to suffer from aforesaid issues.


Author(s):  
Insa Lee Koch

Liberal democracy appears in crisis. From the rise of ‘law and order’ and ever tougher forms of means-testing under ‘austerity politics’ to the outcome of Britain’s referendum on leaving the EU, commentators have argued over why democracy has taken an illiberal turn. This book shifts the focus from the ‘why’ to the ‘how’ and the ‘what’: to how citizens experience government in the first place and what democracy means to them. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, it takes these questions to Britain's socially abandoned council estates, once built by local authorities to house the working classes. From the perspective of these citizens, punitive shifts in welfare, housing, and policing are part of a much longer history of classed state control that has acted on their homes and neighbourhoods. But this is only half of the story. Citizens also pursue their own understandings of grassroots politics and care that at times align with, but at others diverge from, official policies. An anthropology of state-citizen relations challenges narratives of exceptionalism that have portrayed the people as a threat to the democratic order. It also reveals the murky, sometimes contradictory desires for a personalised state that cannot easily be collapsed with popular support for authoritarian interventions. Above all, this book exposes the liberal state’s disavowal of its political and moral responsibilities at a time when mechanisms for voicing working class citizens’ demands have been silenced.


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