scholarly journals The Use of Primaries by Political Parties: The Case of PASOK - A Comment

2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-300
Author(s):  
Domenico Fruncillo

This paper comments on Professor Papanikos’ recent publication in this journal entitled, “The Use of Primaries by Political Parties: The Case of PASOK”. I make a number of observations regarding the argument of the author that primary elections are an application of democracy in the internal procedures of a political party. The question raised is whether primaries enhance democracy, or restrict it, by diminishing the role of party members only in selecting party representatives and have no role in the discussion of policies. Another important issue is the age structure of the participants in the primary elections. Did it matter? More analysis and evidence is needed on this issue to find out whether the relatively younger candidate mobilized more young members and friends to participate in the primary elections of PASOK. Keywords: primaries, elections, voting, political parties, PASOK, Greece

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 695
Author(s):  
Bayu Dwi Anggono

Penerapan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum bangsa Indonesia dan sekaligus sumber segala sumber hukum negara masih menghadapi sejumlah permasalahan salah satunya kemauan politik pembentuk peraturan perundang-undangan yang merupakan anggota Partai politik. Akibat pembentukan yang tidak bersumber pada Pancasila maka peraturan perundang-undangan yang diberlakukan di pusat maupun daerah menimbulkan permasalahan. Permasalahan yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini mengenai cara meningkatkan peran partai politik untuk mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan kepada nilai-nilai Pancasila. Metode pendekatan yang dipergunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah dengan pendekatan konseptual, dengan mendasarkan pada kedudukan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum, serta fungsi partai politik dalam negara demokratis. Temuan yang didapat yaitu fungsi legislasi sering dikesampingkan dibanding fungsi pengawasan dan anggaran, politik mayoritas menjadi dasar pemikiran para pembuat peraturan perundang-undangan dan bukan ukuran ideologi atau konstitusional, pragmatisme perekrutan calon anggota parlemen, serta adanya perilaku korupsi legislasi. Untuk meningkatkan peran partai politik mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan pada Pancasila dapat dilakukan dengan cara mewajibkan Parpol di semua tingkatan menyusun desain politik legislasi dalam masa kampanye Pemilu, kepengurusan Parpol dibagi ke dalam 3 (tiga) komponen salah satunya calon anggota lembaga perwakilan, ketegasan Parpol untuk menarik atau mengganti anggotanya di lembaga perwakilan yang lalai dalam menjalankan politik legislasi Pancasila, memasukkan kurikulum pendidikan Pancasila dalam pengkaderan anggota Parpol secara berjenjang dan berkelanjutan, dan negara segera membuat panduan atau pedoman sebagai dokumen resmi dalam menafsirkan dan memahami sila-sila Pancasila.The application of Pancasila as the legal idealsm of the Indonesia and as the source of all legal sources still dealing with some problems, one of which were the political will of laws and regulations maker which are the members of political parties. As a result of the formation that does not originate from Pancasila, the laws and regulations that are enforced at the central and regional levels cause problems. The issues discussed in this paper are about how to increase the role of political parties to refine laws and regulations based on Pancasila values. The method of approach used in this paper is a conceptual approach, based on the standing of the Pancasila as a legal idealism, as well as the function of political parties in a democratic country. The findings obtained are that the legislative function is often ruled out compared to the controlling and budgeting functions, political majorities become the rationale for legislators and not ideological or constitutional measures, pragmatism for recruiting parliament candidates, and the existence of corrupt behaviour in the legislation. To increase the role of political parties in refining laws and regulations based on Pancasila can be done by requiring the political parties at all levels to construct political legislation design in the election campaign period, management of political parties are divided into three (3) components one of which members of the legislature candidate, the firmness of political parties to withdraw or change the members in the legislature that fail to implement the Pancasila political legislation, including the Pancasila education curriculum in the cadre of political party members gradually and continuously, and the state immediately made guidelines as official documents in interpreting and understanding the Pancasila principles.


SASI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 475
Author(s):  
Septi Nur Wijayanti ◽  
Kelik Iswandi

The political parties that emerge in Indonesia have a distinct catch-all character; they are dependent on individual figures and lack a defined socioeconomic foundation. For political parties, the regeneration process has become a struggle. Because certain political parties lack a clear regeneration system, oligarchic recruiting is a common occurrence. Religious affiliations, local links, local commonalities, and proximity to political party leaders all have a role in recruitment trends. This research aims to explain the role of the under bow of the political party on regeneration. This is a legal-normative study that relies on secondary data. The research material is divided into three categories: primary, secondary, and tertiary. The following factors, according to this study, influence political party regeneration and recruitment: 1) political dynasty has an impact on unhealthy regeneration; 2) political dowry has an impact on unhealthy competition among political party members; and 3) popularity factor has an impact on how quickly people can become political party members. Political parties' inability to recruit and regenerate has an impact on their capacity to fulfill their role as the primary source of national leadership selection. Alternative solutions to these problems include strengthening the under bow of political parties. The existence of under bow of political parties will aid in the transmission of political party doctrine. Political parties will be rewarded with the best members who will fight for their vision and goals. Furthermore, the under bow of political parties can serve as educational institutions for potential members before they join the party.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
John Bwalya ◽  
Owen B. Sichone

Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (7) ◽  
pp. 37-43
Author(s):  
Ikhtiyor Bekov ◽  

This article is devoted to the issues of constitutional and legal regulation of the legal status of factions of political parties in the parliament. In the article, the constitutional and legal basis of the activity of factions of political parties in the Republic of Uzbekistan has been studied based on comparison with national and foreign experience and its specific features have been revealed. The scientific works of national and foreign researchers on the stages of formation and development of the legal basis of the activity of factions of political parties in the Republic were been analyzed


2021 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Maura Adshead ◽  
Diarmuid Scully

This chapter examines the role of political parties in the policy process. The chapter employs a model of the policy process stages to examine how Irish political parties operate in each stage. This constitutes an exploration of the extent to which so-called ‘new politics’ might have impacted on recent political party roles and performance. However, ‘new politics’, governments without a clear majority seeking consensual support for their policies in the Dáil is nothing new, with no single party majority Government since 1977. Programmatic Government has been normalised and consensus-seeking has become the modus operandi for parties. What is new is that long established parties are now joined by an increasing number of smaller parties in the Dáil, raising the potential to shift the balance of power away from the larger parties, with consequences for the style of, and capacity for, policy analysis. However, the chapter shows that this tendency has been less marked than might have been expected.


1975 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Fuglestad

The institutional framework imposed upon Niger in 1946, tended to function according to traditional political concepts, norms, notions and values. Hence the distinction established in this paper between ‘traditionalist’ (UNIS/BNA) and ‘modern’ political parties, refers to the degree of reliance upon this traditional culture and also to the degree to which party-leaders were able to manipulate the norms, notions, etc., of the traditional political systems, in order to gain influence within the new institutional framework. The French Administration, functioning largely as an indigenous chieftaincy, was to a certain extent forced to interfere in politics, since an electoral victory for a ‘modern’ political party (i.e. the évolués) would have to be interpreted—according to the logic of traditional political theory—as a loss of the ‘force’, ‘power’ or ‘luck’, without which the French could no longer be regarded as the legitimate rulers of Niger.If the French finally decided to collaborate with the évolués (and in the process disentangled themselves from the ‘chieftaincy-model’), it was because the évolués constituted the only group capable of grasping the intricate problems of economic development and of running a modern state.


Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 969-990 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kushner

How do political parties in developing countries, without access to accurate polling data, understand their voters? I examine the role that various sources of information play in political party platforms, and how the method of data collection affects parties’ policy and political efforts, primarily by using interview data from 2012 and 2013 with workers from four leading parties in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state. I theorize the role of party workers as a key conduit for information between party leaders and the voters they represent.


Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz

This chapter examines the role that political parties play in the working of democracy. Political parties are among the major actors in democratic politics. Whether or not in power as the result of victory in free and fair elections, the governments of most countries have effectively been in the hands of party leaders. When governments were not in the hands of party leaders, most often because party government was interrupted by a military takeover. The chapter first considers various definitions of a political party before tracing the origins of political parties. It then describes the functions of parties and the ways in which parties are organized, regulated, and financed. It concludes with an analysis of the role of parties in the stabilization of democracy in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, as well as challenges confronting parties in the new millennium.


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