scholarly journals Cooperation from Outside: Security Regionalism in Central Asia and Its Limits

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-228
Author(s):  
Sebastian Mayer
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Limited Resources ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Causal Factors ◽  
Self Organized ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
Cooperation Partners

Abstract The degree of institutionalized cooperation on security among three or more of the five Central Asian states remains moderate. Currently, regional security is nurtured in part via frameworks provided by external state and nonstate partners. A rational institutionalist perspective has been invoked, suggesting demand for regional security cooperation. This view also insinuates that it would be reasonable for these five states, because of their limited resources, to rely largely on external cooperation partners instead of being self-organized. This article discusses additional causal factors possibly responsible for the low degree of regionalism. Given varying foreign policy preferences and Kazakhstan’s consistent backing of far-reaching security regionalism, the argument that autocracies generally refrain from deep security cooperation cannot be sustained, nor does the sea change in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy in 2016, which could serve to nurture security regionalism in the future, align well with this argument.

scholarly journals Does Turkey have a Central Asian Project?

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 82-96
Author(s):  
Ali Emre Sucu ◽  
O. I. Iskandarov ◽  
R. B. Mahmudov ◽  
D. N. Chernov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Cultural Elements ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Integration Project

Central Asia's importance in Turkish foreign policy has begun to rise since the beginning of the 2010s. Turkey determines its regional policy in the conception of the Turkic world, including Azerbaijan. With this regard, Turkey pays particular attention to the institutionalization of bilateral relations with the regional states. The most successful measure in that direction is the establishment of the Turkic Council. This integration project marks significant progress for the institutionalization of Turkey's Central Asian policy. Turkey is one of the non-regional actors affecting the Central Asian balance of power. However, it has limited influence on regional security and military affairs, which Russia dominates. Turkey is only a secondary non-regional actor in Central Asia. Therefore, it primarily structures its Central Asian policy using common historical and cultural elements. In this study, we investigate whether Turkey has a long-term project in Central Asia. For this purpose, we explore the restrictions of Turkish policy in Central Asia. After that, we compare Turkey's importance for the foreign policies of Central Asian states. Additionally, we evaluate Turkey's interest in non-Western organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to transform Turkish foreign policy priorities in recent years. Finally, we show that Turkey has a policy toward Central Asia but not a fully-fledged project for the region.

SIGNIFICANCE OF AFGHANISTAN IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 472-476
Author(s):  
Dr. Jayasree Nath
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Central Asian

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to understand the importance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy. Being situated in the proximity of Pakistan and Central Asian countries, Afghanistan holds a strategic significance in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy. Since the earlier period of time, the geographic location has made Afghanistan involved in any development occurred in Central Asia and South Asia. Methodology: The study is interdisciplinary in nature. It is based on a comparative analysis of research methodology, comparing traditional and current relations between the nations. The study is empirical since it tries to explain the historical-cultural linkages of India and Afghanistan. The study also tries to investigate the obstacles furthering India’s relations with Afghanistan and beyond. The study involves both descriptive and qualitative analysis. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources. While books, articles and newspaper reports are secondary sources in the study, primary sources comprised of government sources like an annual report, other relevant reports of the Ministry of External Affairs, etc. Main Findings: India’s policy towards Afghanistan is the embodiment of the soft power approach with a long term goal. Energy security and regional security connected with internal security are the topmost priorities of New Delhi factoring the significance of Afghanistan in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy. Applications of this study: This study can be useful for understanding International relations covering areas of India-Afghanistan relations, the significance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy connecting with Central Asia and Iran. Novelty/Originality of this study: India’s strategic consideration factoring Afghanistan to connect Central Asia and Iran for energy security, regional and internal security. 

scholarly journals Public Diplomacy as an Instrument for Obtaining Foreign Policy Goals of the USA in Central Asia

2018 ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
B. Bahriev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Energy Resource ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Environment ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Usa

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource’ application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.

scholarly journals Think Tanks In The Formation Of The Central Asian Vector Of British Foreign Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (06) ◽  
pp. 127-131
Author(s):  
Shakhnoza Akramjanovna Azimbayeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
History Of

This article examines the role and place of British think tanks in the design and development of the country’s foreign policy towards the Central Asian region. This issue is studied in combination with an analysis of the history of the formation of British think tanks, the positions of these centers in relation to Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century after the collapse of the USSR and the state of modern think tanks that study Central Asia and their influence on the decision-making process in Great Britain.

scholarly journals Features of the US Foreign Policy Towards the Central Asian States

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
E. V. Kryzhko ◽  
P. I. Pashkovsky
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Mineral Resources ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Us

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.

U.S.-Uzbek Partnership and Democratic Reforms

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Positive Impression ◽  
Former Soviet Republics

In March 2002 the United States and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership. This document marked a qualitative break in the international relations of Uzbekistan and, to some degree, the United States' relations with Central Asia. Uzbekistan had sought closer relations with the United States since its independence in September 1991. But the course of U.S.-Uzbek relations was not smooth. Various obstacles hindered Tashkent's progress in making a positive impression on successive U.S. administrations in the last decade of the twentieth century. Tashkent's abysmal human rights record and the snail's pace of democratic reforms made the notion of closer ties with Uzbekistan unsavoury for U.S. policy makers. At the same time, Washington was more concerned with developments in Russia. Other former Soviet republics, especially the five Central Asian states, were relegated to the periphery of the U.S. strategic outlook. But the dramatic events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.-led “war on terror” changed the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The consequent development of ties between Tashkent and Washington was beyond the wildest dreams of Uzbek foreign policy makers. Virtually overnight, Uzbek leaders found themselves in a position to pursue an ambitious foreign policy without being slowed by domestic considerations.

Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy

Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Ziegler
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Specific Reference ◽  
Shanghai Cooperation Organization ◽  
The Past ◽  
Central Asian

This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.

scholarly journals Terrorism, Geopolitics, and Multinational Security Cooperation in Central Asia

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-151
Author(s):  
Rouben Azizian ◽  
Elizabeth Van Wie Davis
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Religious Extremism ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
The World

On 22-24 February 2006, the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies(APCSS) held this conference on the complex security environment ofCentral Asia as the region continues to struggle with the phenomena of terrorismand religious extremism, poverty and corruption, political instabilityand authoritarian governance, as well as great power (China, Russia, and theUnited States) suspicion and rivalry. These challenges are not uniquelyCentral Asian, but the region seems to be particularly vulnerable to them asits young nations are undergoing a significant political, social, and economictransformation. How the region copes with these issues will extend importantlessons to the world as a whole.This forum examined the trilemma posed for Central Asia and thebroader Asia-Pacific region. First, for the war on terror in the region to besuccessful, it must evolve into well-implemented stabilization and reconstructionefforts as well as dramatic improvements in governance andhuman rights. Second, no country on its own can alter the situation inCentral Asia, for such an effort requires cooperation between all of the majorpowers and stakeholders in the region (India, Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey).The magnitude of the problem of terrorism, which affects most if not allcountries in the region, should preclude another variation of the Great Game.Finally, while the number of regional organizations and security forums inCentral Asia has been growing, the low degree of coordination among themtriggers counterproductive rivalries and plays into the hands of extremistelements. Since terror knows no borders, what happens in Central Asia significantlyimpacts developments elsewhere.Although the counterterrorist effort in Central Asia has successfullymarginalized the Taliban and al-Qaeda, the localization of the terrorist threatmeans that new autonomous extremist cells continue to emerge in CentralAsia. The sources of proliferation of radical Islam can be found in socioeconomicdeprivation, widespread corruption, and political ...

scholarly journals EU Policy in Central Asia

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Kamen Velichkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Centripetal Forces ◽  
The Eu

Geography and a preference for regional approaches have an impact on EU foreign policy. From the EU perspective, the countries of Central Asia are classified as “neighbors of EU neighbors.” The EU’s policies assume the existence of strong centripetal forces in the Eurasian heartland, whereas in fact the regionalization is still in the initial stages there. Consequently, EU foreign policy in Central Asia pursues both structural and relational objectives. The specific goals and performance of EU member states add a two-tier dimension to this process. In parallel with other external actors such as Japan, the United States, South Korea, and India, the European Union conducts its dialogue and cooperation with the Central Asian states in a 5+1 format. Compared to the policies of China, Turkey, or Russia, the EU has much more limited influence. It primarily aims to support the independent development of the Central Asian countries, for which some degree of regionalization appears to be a prerequisite.

Japan’s Central Asia Policy Revisited: National Identity, Interests, and Foreign Policy Discourses

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 853-867
Author(s):  
Sabina Insebayeva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

AbstractThis article focuses on the nature of Japan’s foreign policy formulation and legitimization through a study of its interaction with Central Asian countries. The article examines foreign policy discourse that constructs Japan’s “self” vis-à-vis Central Asian “other.” It reveals the textual mechanism through which reality, objects, and subjects are constructed, and it interprets the official statements contained in several foreign policy initiatives, in particular, the “Eurasian (Silk Road) Diplomacy,” the “Central Asia plus Japan,” and the “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity,” as an attempt to understand the intersubjective knowledge and analytical lens through which Japanese foreign policy makers conceive and interpret the constructed “reality,” produce foreign policy choices, and choose among identified alternatives.

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