Hoffnung

2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-519
Author(s):  
Matthias Lutz-Bachmann

Abstract Hope. A Philosophical Outlook The »Concept of Hope« has been established as a central idea in Philosophy not earlier than in the Philosophy of Enlightenment by Kant. In Kant’s Philosophy, the concept of hope is describing a constitutive dimension of »Reason« in its »practical use« which is mediating Political Philosophy with Kant’s Philosophy of Religion. As we can see Kant is following much more the biblical tradition on hope than the former understanding of hope as a virtue in Philosophy. From the insight of Kant, Philosophy today is able to learn about the fundamental importance of the concept of hope for a contemporary theory of public reasoning.

2020 ◽  
pp. 166-182
Author(s):  
Ari Hirvonen ◽  
Susanna Lindroos-Hovinheimo

In this chapter Hirvonen and Lindroos-Hovinheimo argue that the revolutionary power of constituent power and popular sovereignty are relevant conditions of radical emancipatory and egalitarian politics. How the people become the people – and what makes the people in its becoming – are relevant questions in modern democracy. The article considers the power of the people as a theoretical idea and political possibility. It brings together the older tradition of political philosophy with contemporary theory by discussing Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s ideas together with those of Jacques Rancière, Jean-Luc Nancy, and Alain Badiou.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Freyenhagen

In this paper, I would like to take up one proposal that I touch on as part of the longer paper delivered at the SPT conference on Critical Theory and the Concept of Social Pathology. The proposal is an analytic grid for characterising social pathologies, particularly in thelight of the conceptualisations of this idea specified within the Frankfurt School CriticalTheory tradition.Let me first summarise briefly the longer paper. I present some general features of the idea of social pathology (see below), and suggest that this idea can set FrankfurtSchool Critical Theory apart from mainstream liberal approaches – notably, in virtue of the specifically ethical register it involves (rather than a justice-based one dominant incontemporary liberalism) and the interdisciplinary approach it calls for (which marks a contrast to the relatively stark division between normative theorising and the social sciences characteristic of much of political philosophy today). I criticise the way Habermas and Honneth transform the early Frankfurt School conceptualisations of this idea by tying itto their respective models of functional differentiation of society.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Hjördis Nerheim

<em><span style="font-family: CronosMM-It_408_10_; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: CronosMM-It_408_10_; font-size: x-small;"><p>Kant’s rejection of rebellion as a political right seems to be problematic for his concept of duty. The paper discusses the trial of the Holocaust perpetrator Adolf Eichmann as a possible case against Kant’s political philosophy. It argues, however, that Kant in his Critique of Judgment and in his philosophy of religion has articulated a very sophisticated point of view.</p></span></span></em><span style="font-family: CronosMM-It_408_10_; font-size: x-small;"></span>


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-155
Author(s):  
Chiara Adorisio

AbstractThe article reconstructs and examines the debate between Leo Strauss (1899–1973) and Julius Guttmann (1880–1950) on the interpretation of the essence of Jewish medieval philosophy. Is Jewish medieval philosophy characterised by being essentially a philosophy of religion or, as Strauss objected in his critique of Guttmann, is it better understood if we consider that Jewish medieval rationalists conceived the problem of the relationship between philosophy and Judaism primarily as the problem of the relationship between philosophy and the law?Though both Guttmann and Strauss seem to discuss in their works the question of the interpretation of medieval Jewish philosophy in a historical way, their arguments were in fact rooted in a theoretical and philosophical interest. Strauss and Guttmann followed different philosophical methods, had different personal attitudes toward Judaism and faith, but both tried to learn from medieval and ancient philosophy to understand the problems of modern and contemporary rationalism.


Author(s):  
Christian Danz

AbstractThis paper analyzes the hitherto neglected political philosophy (Staatsphilosophie) contained in Schelling’s Berlin lectures on the philosophy of mythology and of revelation in the context of the complex and politically charged debates of the German Vormärz period. It will be shown that, in his political philosophy, the Berlin Schelling rejects social contract models of the state and follows conservative theorists who conceive of the state as a collective order that supersedes the individual, while at the same time preserving the freedom of the individual and rejecting religious legitimizations of the state. Schelling’s theory of the state is characterized by its distinctive internal tensions and by its multidimensionality. This complexity of his theory of the state helps to account for the diverse range of receptions and assessments of his political philosophy, both among his contemporaries and by subsequent commentators


Philosophy ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 40 (152) ◽  
pp. 162-164
Author(s):  
D.O. Thomas

KÜLÖNBSÉG ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Imre Bártfai

In this special issue the editorial aim was to represent the whole spectrum of Hegel’s philosophy within the relatively small scope and size provided. Hegel’s system sprouted from one specific problem, the social effects of religion, but was soon extended to all areas of philosophy ranging from ontology to political philosophy. This issue contains the translations of two texts by Hegel, one on political issues, the other on the philosophy of religion. Other aspects of Hegel’s philosophy are represented by the papers. The first translation is the so called first Wurttenberg text on political issues: he argues for cautious modernization and reform and against swift, radical democratization in political life. The second text is Hegel’s introduction to Wilhelm Hinrichs’s Die Religion im inneren Verhältnisse zur Wissenschaft (1822) in which Hegel expounds his critique of Schleiermacher. He criticizes Schleiermacher and other romantic theorists of religion who deprive faith of its objective content and system in response to the historical-scientific critique of religion by Enlightenment philosophers.


Author(s):  
Tony Burns

This chapter examines the argument of Aristotle's Politics in relation to the theory of justice that he articulates in his Nicomachean Ethics. It first provides a biography of Aristotle before discussing his view of human nature, the starting point for understanding his views on both ethics and politics. In particular, it considers what Aristotle means when he describes man as a ‘social and political animal’ (zoon politikon). It goes on to explore the theory of justice developed in Aristotle's Ethics, focusing on the notions of proportional and arithmetical equality. It also analyses the two areas of social life in which the concept of justice has a practical application: the spheres of rectificatory and distributive justice. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the continuing relevance of Aristotle for political philosophy today, especially for the debate between John Rawls and his communitarian critics.


1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 855-875
Author(s):  
J. Roland Pennock

No serious consideration of the theory of democracy needs explanation or apology today. The scope and limitations of the present treatment of the subject, however, should be made clear at the outset. The object of this article is to deal with the political philosophy of democracy, or, more precisely, with attempts to ground democratic doctrine on first principles of right. Clearly this does not constitute a complete treatment of democratic theory. Such a treatment would have to deal, inter alia, with the practical operation of democratic processes under varying conditions. Probably the bulk of any full-length discussion of the theory of democracy should be devoted to such matters. Yet, essential though these considerations are, the problem with which this paper deals is of fundamental importance. For, in general, it may be said of all the “practical” arguments about democracy that whatever validity they have must depend upon some theory of ethics, upon some assumption as to the things that are valuable in this world. In other words, I shall not here concern myself with arguments that in practice democracy is less objectionable than other forms of government, because I feel the inadequacy of such arguments considered by themselves.


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