scholarly journals Introduction to the Hegel translations

KÜLÖNBSÉG ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Imre Bártfai

In this special issue the editorial aim was to represent the whole spectrum of Hegel’s philosophy within the relatively small scope and size provided. Hegel’s system sprouted from one specific problem, the social effects of religion, but was soon extended to all areas of philosophy ranging from ontology to political philosophy. This issue contains the translations of two texts by Hegel, one on political issues, the other on the philosophy of religion. Other aspects of Hegel’s philosophy are represented by the papers. The first translation is the so called first Wurttenberg text on political issues: he argues for cautious modernization and reform and against swift, radical democratization in political life. The second text is Hegel’s introduction to Wilhelm Hinrichs’s Die Religion im inneren Verhältnisse zur Wissenschaft (1822) in which Hegel expounds his critique of Schleiermacher. He criticizes Schleiermacher and other romantic theorists of religion who deprive faith of its objective content and system in response to the historical-scientific critique of religion by Enlightenment philosophers.

From its earliest roots in Greek philosophy, among the most prominent virtues—and arguably the most important of the social virtues—has been justice. While during this same period political philosophy focused intense energy on understanding justice as a property or quality of societies, discussion of justice as a virtue of individuals mostly disappeared. But justice as a virtue of individual character has, along with the other virtues, regained footing as work examining it has increased not only in philosophy but also in social psychology and other empirical fields of study. This volume aims to demonstrate some of the breadth of that thinking and research. It is a collection of new essays solicited from philosophers and political theorists, psychologists, economists, biologists, and legal scholars. Each contribution focuses on some aspect of what makes us just people, either by examining the science that explains the development of justice as a virtue, by highlighting virtue cultivation within distinctive traditions of empirical or philosophical thought, or by adopting a distinctive perspective on justice as an individual trait and its contribution to a society of thriving people. The book aims to stimulate further work in justice as an individual virtue and in how we can become more just as individuals.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Minogue

LIKE MANY PEOPLE, I FIND KARL POPPER BOTH FASCINATING and irritating. His vigour and lucidity are irresistible, and no one could complain that he fails to engage with the big questions. The problems begin when we consider his political thought. Some think him one of the great liberal philosophers of the century. I on the other hand, while being fascinated by The Open Society and its Enemies, am repelled by the grossness of its caricaturing of most of the thinkers it touches. The Poverty of Historicism is a marvellous text in the philosophy of the social sciences, but the idea of historicism is a straw man. The paradox seems to be that while there is a lot that refers to the political questions of the day, there is virtually nothing which takes up issues of political philosophy directly. The result is that he seems to me always to be on the wrong foot, and my problem is to discover why.


1867 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorimer

Aristotle has a saying, which he has frequently repeated and which is often quoted, to the effect that the same degree of precision is not attainable in all branches of inquiry, and that it would be just as absurd to exact demonstration from a politician or an orator, as to accept probable reasoning from a mathematician. It is a saying full of truth and acuteness. To the cultivators of ethical and political philosophy, for whom it was intended, it is invaluable both as an encouragement and a warning; and yet, in behalf of the latter more especially, I often wish that it had never been said. Proceeding from such a master, I am persuaded that it has often tempted them to rest satisfied with a degree of success far short of the limits which the nature of their subjects really imposed; whilst, on the other hand, it has afforded an apology for excluding social and political philosophy from the meditations of learned bodies like this. I do not mean that they have been formally excluded. I know that the constitution of this, and of most similar societies, has always embraced the social as well as the physical sciences. But so rarely have those of us who were occupied with the former availed ourselves of the privileges of Fellowship, that it has come to be regarded almost as a matter of admission on our part, that our subjects defy scientific treatment: that when we talk of tracing out laws of social wellbeing or progress, we use words which either have no meaning at all, or which indicate a very faint analogy between the methods which we affect to follow and those really employed in the physical sciences: and that pretty nearly all that can be done is to hand us and our subjects over to the companionship of party politicians and popular declaimers.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-250
Author(s):  
Charles Butterworth

This is a "work in progress" presentation based on mearch I am nowconducting about the development of Islamic political philosophy duringthe classical period of Islam. My contention is that a better understandingof that tradition puts the current debate about Islamic fundamentalism orresurgence into a new perspective. Behind the sensational, popular demandsfor greater adherence to the strictures of the revealed law of Islamlies an issue of fundamental importance: how divine revelation is to beunderstd and interpreted for political guidance. Those who developedIslamic political philosophy spoke directly to this issue and did so in amanner that merits the attention of contemporary Muslim activists, scholarsinterested in Islam, and thoughtful human beings in general. Theythought clearly about the relationship between religious belief andpolitical practice because they addressed the issue ditectly and withoutpreconceptions. Consequently, whatever our religious and cultural origins,we can benefit greatly from their teaching.One of my goals is to refocus current social science scholarship whileengaging Muslim scholars in debate on topics they deem urgent. Lately,there have been many, perhaps too many, reports and prognostics concerningthe success of resurgent Islam as well as the challenges it posesto Middle Eastern and western regimes. Such studies invariably talkabout, rather than with, those calling for greater attention to Islamic preceptsand practices; they presuppose and reinforce an attitude of "us" and"our valued' vetSUS "them" and "their values." Such a posture not onlyfosters antagonism and misunderstanding, it also ignores the way Muslimsare now addressing this complex phenomenon.Indeed, for almost a decade, Muslims trained in the West have beeninvestigating how western learning, especially the social sciences, illuminatestraditional Islamic sciences and vice versa. This task addresses, atthe highest level, the issue behind the call for application of the Shari'ahand offers the best Contemporary possibility of achieving some kind ofintercultural understanding. It offers those interested in western and Islamicculture a unique opportunity to delve mare deeply into another cultureand thereby understand the other and their own culture better.Another goal is to investigate how philosophers within the classicalperiod of Islam understood revelation and its outward manifestationprophecy-to influence political life. While mast scholars recognize the ...


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (01) ◽  
pp. 77-81
Author(s):  
Kristen Renwick Monroe ◽  
Rose McDermott

AbstractWhy are differences so political significant? Too often political science discussions of differences assume they are immutable. The attendant implication is that the political divisions attached to these variations—in religion, ethnicity, race, or any of the other dissimilarities that frequently enter political life—are considered rigid and inflexible. This commentary draws on recent work in moral and social psychology and evolutionary biology to suggest that the critical political factor surrounding differences is not their immutability but rather the moral and political salience we accord such differences. Simple experiments in social identity theory—and a conversation with an incensed 12-year old—demonstrate that the psychological process by which differences between people and groups become deemed ethically and politically relevant is totally socially constructed and hence can be restructured in a fashion that leads to more tolerant treatment of those judged different.


2021 ◽  
pp. 117-127
Author(s):  
A. R. Agababov ◽  
R. A. Lyovochkin

The article examines the main forms and socio-cultural features of the participation of Muslim youth in Scotland in non-institutional politics. As their research goal, the authors chose to identify the mechanisms through which political processes specific to the Scottish context (different from the general British or, for example, the English context) generate various forms of political participation of young adherents of Islam. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was a significant layer of empirical data (mainly Scottish), comprehended through an interpretive paradigm, which allowed the authors to analyze the non-institutionalized political experience of young Muslims, finding patterns in how Muslim youth perceive and construct the social world around them. The result of the study was an understanding that the strengthening of the “Islamic factor” in the social and political life of Scotland is explained not only by the growth of the Muslim population, but also by the obvious support that the Scottish authorities provide to adherents of Islam. According to the authors, the issue of national and state independence, the specificity of Scottish nationalism, the attractiveness of the political platform of the Scottish National Party for ethno-confessional minorities became the most important primary factors that predetermined the active entry of Scottish Muslim youth into politics. The main conclusion in this article was the idea that the specific socio-political and sociocultural contexts of Scotland create appropriate forms of political participation of young Muslims. Despite the prevailing opinion that Scottish Muslim youth are interested mainly in international events, the authors show a clearly traceable institutional and non-institutional involvement of young Muslims in national and local political issues in Scotland. According to the authors, the non-institutional political participation of young Scottish followers of Islam is manifested in such forms as social movements, activism and charity, and volunteer work.


Author(s):  
Mark Blitz ◽  
J. Michael Hoffpauir

Plato’s political philosophy is the first great theoretical examination of political life and is arguably the core of Plato’s philosophy generally: his most comprehensive and well-known work, the Republic, centers on the basic political question of justice. Among the political issues that Plato explores are the questions of the best and best practicable forms of government (in the Republic and Laws), the scope of political knowledge or political “science” (in the Statesman), and the proper way to evaluate forms of government such as democracy and oligarchy. Plato’s understanding of politics, moreover, goes beyond his presentation in these three dialogues. The Gorgias discusses justice, the Apology presents Socrates’ trial and conviction, and the Crito concerns obedience to the laws. The scope of what Plato discusses under the rubric of politics, moreover, is broader than what we typically include in political studies in the early 21st century. It includes questions such as the relation between political life and philosophical inquiry itself, the meaning of virtues of character and their connection to politics, and the elements and powers of the human soul. The student of Plato’s political philosophy must therefore also study many dialogues that examine specific virtues of character such as courage and moderation that are central in the three political dialogues. The basic issue in understanding Plato is clarifying what he meant in any particular dialogue. This is a difficult matter both because of the depth and subtlety of his understanding and because of the complexity of the dialogue form in which he wrote. For, it is not obvious how to proceed from statements made by particular characters to Plato’s own intention and understanding. Related interpretive issues concern the relationships among Plato’s thirty-five dialogues, and whether the interpreter’s emphasis should be on Plato’s intention, or, rather, on his biographical and historical milieu, or his relevance for contemporary controversies. Some scholars take a developmental approach, such as in Klosko 2006 (cited under Books on Plato’s Political Philosophy), which attributes inconsistencies or anomalies in the thought of Plato to his progress, experiences, or both. Some scholars take a unitary approach, such as in Lewis 1998 (cited under Journal Articles on Plato’s Republic, Statesman, or Laws), which finds a consistency in the thought of Plato. Some scholars employ a literary approach, such as in Klein 1965 (cited under Books with Significant Chapters on Dialogues Treating the Virtues), which connects an assessment of the drama of a dialogue to its assessment of the argument. And other scholars take an analytic approach, such as in Vlastos 1978 (cited under Books on Plato with Noteworthy Chapters on Plato’s Political Philosophy), which assesses a dialogue with little or no reference to its dramatic elements. See Griswold 1988 (cited under Books with Significant Chapters on Plato’s Overtly Political Dialogues) for more on these debates. Central substantive controversies include matters such as the following: What precisely is Plato’s understanding of the forms of government, of the soul, and of justice and other virtues? Are the virtues linked or disparate? What does Plato mean by connecting virtue and knowledge? How is his understanding of politics connected to his broader discussion of the “good” and of the ideas or forms? These matters have issued in an enormous body of interpretive material: they have been grappled with not only by early-21st-century and earlier scholars, but also by the greatest minds of the ancient, medieval, and modern world.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (7) ◽  
pp. 1406-1412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Archie B. Carroll

This essay comments on the past and the future of the Social Issues in Management (SIM) Division of the Academy of Management (AOM). The essay addresses the two major questions posed to the commentators on this special issue: First, does the past of the SIM Division provide any clues as to its future? Second, where is the SIM Division going or where should it be going? The author has been a member of SIM since 1971 and served as program chair in 1975 and division chair in 1976 to 1977. SIM is certainly a field at the community and administrative levels, and you could argue that SIM is a discipline, though we are interdisciplinary. It is not as certain that we are unique or distinctive at the intellectual level because we are not always that different in kind or quality from what is being done elsewhere in AOM, and there are more and more scholars in other divisions now working on topics that we once worked on exclusively. However, it is equally unlikely that many of the other AOM divisions could meet a test of intellectual uniqueness. The essay emphasizes some ideas that might help improve the intellectual rigor of the SIM meetings, and the value of alliances with Society for Business Ethics (SBE) and International Association for Business and Society (IABS). A division name change, even if desirable, is not a compelling issue.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. i-xx
Author(s):  
Katerina Deliovsky ◽  
Tamari Kitossa

This Special Issue—“Whiteness in the Age of White Rage”—names and interrogates what is implicit in anti-racist, Indigenous, and whiteness studies: white rage. Drawing on Carol Anderson’s White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide (2017), we invited scholars to explore empirical and theoretical inquiry of how rage is a defining characteristic of settler colonialism, whiteness, and white supremacy in Canada. In this Introduction we elaborate how contemporaneously, historically, and theoretically a vital dimension of the configuration of whiteness in Canada is the normalization of rage as a property right of whiteness. Presently, as fascism is once again a global phenomenon, there is an opportunity for critical scholarship on whiteness in Canada to name and explicate the social effects and quotidian mobilization of rage in conservative and liberal articulations of white supremacy. We offer a general outline to the theme of whiteness in the age of white rage to introduce nascent scholarship that builds on the scholarship of Black, Indigenous, people of colour, and critical whiteness scholars.


Author(s):  
María Alejandra Dellacasa

<p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>Iniciamos este análisis identificando una serie de aristas políticas asociadas a las tecnologías de intervención corporal para el caso de personas trans. Ello constituye una invitación abierta a repensar, por un lado, el papel de los pacientes/ usuarixs/ consumidores y, por otro, los efectos sociales que se desprenden de la actualización de los sentidos y los propósitos con que fueron idealmente concebidos los artefactos. Sostenemos que la Ley de Identidad de Género en Argentina propició un proceso de politización de las demandas y las subjetividades de las personas trans. Al tiempo que habilitó una instancia de democratización de las tecnologías de intervención corporal, tanto en lo que respecta al acceso, como a la direccionalidad y los fines con que son utilizadas.</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>We begin this analysis by identifying a series of political edges associated with body intervention technologies in the case of transgender people. This constitutes an open invitation to rethink, on the one hand, the role of patients / users / consumers and, on the other hand, the social effects that arise from the updating of the senses and the purposes with which the artifacts were ideally conceived. We maintain that the Gender Identity Law in Argentina promoted a process of politicization of the demands and subjectivities of transgender people. At the same time, it enabled an instance of democratization of body intervention technologies, both in terms of access, as well as the directionality and the purposes for which they are used.</p>


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