scholarly journals "Patriots Governing Hong Kong" and the Innovation of Practice Path to Cultivate the Chinese National Community Consciousness

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yang Liao ◽  
◽  
Li Meng

The basic meaning of "patriots ruling Hong Kong" is that Hong Kong people who love China and love Hong Kong govern Hong Kong society to ensure the smooth implementation of the "One Country, Two Systems" system and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in Hong Kong and maintain the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong society. There is a logical connection between "patriots governing Hong Kong" and Hong Kong's united front work, which has firmly established the consciousness of the Chinese nation's community. "patriots governing Hong Kong" strengthens the awareness of patriotism and love of Hong Kong and helps to forge the consciousness of the Chinese nation's community. The main path for the innovation and development of the Chinese nation’s community consciousness is to promote the generation and development of the national outlook + national outlook + historical outlook + cultural outlook in Hong Kong and Macau, and to promote the industrial chain + supply chain + innovation chain + value in the construction of the Greater Bay Area The “multi-chain integration” of chain + united front chain promotes the exchanges and integration of ethnic groups and ethnic groups in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area in the people's livelihood-oriented + science and education-oriented + demonstration leadership.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yang Liao ◽  
Li Meng

The basic meaning of "patriots ruling Hong Kong" is that Hong Kong people who love China and love Hong Kong govern Hong Kong society to ensure the smooth implementation of the "One Country, Two Systems" system and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in Hong Kong and maintain the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong society.


Ethnicities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Lecours ◽  
Jean-François Dupré

Using a historical institutionalist framework emphasizing the importance of transformative events, this paper seeks to explain the sudden emergence of self-determination claims in Hong Kong and their transformation into separatist ones in Catalonia. The paper argues that the inflexibility of the state in addressing moderate demands for regional autonomy has played a major role in the emergence and radicalization of these demands. In Hong Kong, the 1997 Handover from British to Chinese sovereignty was originally presented as an opportunity for self-governance under the principle of “Hong Kong People ruling Hong Kong” and the “One Country, Two Systems” formula. If Hong Kong nationalism was practically unheard of in the early years of the Handover, the unconciliatory attitude of the central government towards moderate demands for the actualization of the autonomy and democratization frameworks vested in Hong Kong’s Basic Law has directly contributed to the formation of today’s emerging self-determination movement. In Catalonia, the 2010 decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court to annul some articles of the reform to the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia and to interpret others narrowly represented a transformative event that took Catalonia onto the pathway of secessionist politics. The secessionist turn was then further fed by the on-going refusal of the central government to negotiate with the Catalan government, notably on the notion of a popular consultation on the political future of the Autonomous Community.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric C. IP

AbstractRecurrent proposals to establish a constitutional supervisory committee have been pertinaciously rejected in spite of widespread recognition of the Chinese Constitution’s ineffectiveness. And yet, the Hong Kong Basic Law Committee has long epitomized in practice a prototypic form of constitutional supervision. Vested with quasi-judicial competences, the Committee seemed destined for a central role under the “One Country, Two Systems” arrangement. The tight secrecy imposed on its proceedings and the suppression of its potential to act consistently and with a distinct identity have fatally undermined the Committee’s ability to modulate constitutional tensions by way of coordinating expectations of the Basic Law’s proper meaning. The experience of the Basic Law Committee reveals the recalcitrance of the Party-state toward constitutional interpretation by any specialized body, even one whose powers are heavily circumscribed and whose membership is tightly controlled.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerry Liu

On 18 February 2019, China released the 'Development Plan Outline for the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area (GBA)'. This study presents the most up-to-date analysis on the GBA, including its history, importance and institutional arrangement; its significance vis-à-vis the integration of Hong Kong and Macau to China, to the One Belt One Road initiative, to the Made in China 2025 plan and to China's wider economicgrowth; and offers a prediction on the GBA's future and the challenges ahead.


Semiotica ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (216) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Vijay K. Bhatia

AbstractUnlike any other form of professional communication, legal discourse, especially in a legislative context, is unique in the sense that it is full of contradictions. Firstly, it is highly depersonalized, as its illocutionary force is independent of any specific writer or reader, and yet it is meant to address a diverse range of audiences. Secondly, it is meant for ordinary citizens, but is written in a style that is meant only for legal specialists. Thirdly, although its primary function is to assign rights and impose obligations to act or prohibit action, it is written in a highly nominal style (language of thinking) rather than verbal style (language of doing). And finally, legislative provisions are meant to be “clear,” “precise,” “unambiguous,” on the one hand, and “all-inclusive,” on the other, which can be seen as a contratdiction in terms. Most of these seeming contradictions make it difficult for the various stakeholders, which include specialists as well as non-specialists, to manage “socio-pragmatic space” in the construction and, more importantly, interpretation of such provisions, particularly when they are interpreted in broadly socio-political contexts. Drawing on some of the contradictory interpretations of certain sections of the Basic Law, widely regarded as the mini-constitution of Hong Kong, this paper will identify and discuss key theoretical issues emerging from a diversity of meanings attributed to somewhat innocuous legislative constructions, which precipitated the “Occupy Central” movement, largely popularized as the symbolic “Umbrella Movement.” The paper thus attempts to highlight two rather different aspects of interpretation of legal meaning, one in the court of law for the negotiation of justice, and the other in wider socio-political and public domains where law is interpreted broadly with wider social implications.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 589-600 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carole J. Petersen ◽  
Jan Currie

A former British colony, Hong Kong was reunited with the People's Republic of China in 1997 under the ‘one country two systems’ model. The Hong Kong Basic Law contains detailed provisions for academic freedom, ensuring that local academics enjoy far greater freedom than their counterparts in mainland China. Hong Kong academics and the broader community have also publicly supported academic freedom when they perceived it to be under threat. The authors argue, however, that the recent restructuring of Hong Kong's universities may ultimately pose a greater threat than any explicit interference from the local or national governments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yang Liao ◽  
◽  
Li Meng

The construction of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area presents a new era issue for the United Front Work of Hong Kong and Macao. On the basis of combing the related literature, the article analyzes the united front dilemma faced by the integration and development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, and proposes a possible path for the innovation of the Australian united front work mechanism. The author holds that from the perspective of the united front, the main difficulties facing the integration and development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area are economic "symbiosis", cultural "combination" and social "linkage".The united front work in Hong Kong and Macau should keep pace with the times and innovate working mechanisms in the integrated development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janis Wong

The proposal of the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assis- tance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019 (2019年逃犯及刑事事宜相互法律協助法例(修訂)條例草 案) (FOMLA) by the Hong Kong government, aimed at closing the gap for extradition to Taiwan, Macau, and Mainland China, sparked dozens of city-wide protests as demonstrators feared it would erode Hong Kong’s legal system, including rights to privacy and data protection, under the Hong Kong Basic Law (HKBL).Facilitated by technology, the leaderless, decentralised demonstrations furthered the anti-extradition bill protests by establishing legitimacy, participation, trust, and privacy be- tween citizens under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ frame- work. Based on these themes, this paper assesses how Hong Kong protesters found novel uses of technology such as Tele- gram, Apple Airdrop, cash and untraceable transactions, LIHKG Forum, and protest livestreams to self-organise, demon- strate their support for the movement, and maintain its mo- mentum. The protesters’ use of technology also shaped Twit- ter, Facebook, and Youtube policies, removing bot accounts and state-sponsored disinformation from their platforms.Learning from the city’s past protests, arrests, and convic- tions, this paper illustrates how Hong Kong protesters trans- formed their use of technology as a means to protect their personal identities, preserve their rights enshrined under the HKBL, and strive for democratic freedoms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 02 (02) ◽  
pp. 1950010
Author(s):  
Linda Chelan Li ◽  
Man-tak Kwok

The newly released “Outline Development Plan for the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macao Greater Bay Area (GBA)” shows that the roles of the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macao GBA have gone beyond its original emphasis on regional economic development and now serves higher purposes in fostering the ongoing process of deepening reforms in China, and in meeting the challenges in the Chinese-led “Belt and Road Initiative”. Whereas earlier policy on cross-border collaborations and the previous literature often emphasize “harmonization” and “integration” of the diverse institutions and practices of the constituent cities into one economy, this paper suggests an alternative perspective highlighting the utility of institutional contradictions and diversity contained in the “one country, two system” framework within the GBA. Leveraging the advantages of its more internationalized special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macao, the GBA plan would not only benefit this coastal megalopolis, but also stimulate a dynamic mechanism of reform in the whole country.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (04) ◽  
pp. 824-848 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric C. Ip

The competition between the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal, a cosmopolitan common law supreme court, and the Chinese National People's Congress Standing Committee, a Leninist parliamentary body, over the “proper meaning” of the Hong Kong Basic Law constituted a very important facet of the territory's constitutional history since the end of British rule in 1997. This article applies the insights of game theory to explain why constitutional stability, in the sense that the two players have never entered into an open collision with each other despite the ambiguity of the Basic Law and the “One Country, Two Systems” formula, endured until the present day. It is argued that successful coordination between the two resulted from the strong aversion of the Court and the Standing Committee to constitutional crises, as well as from the fact that neither entity was capable of credibly signaling its commitment to an aggressive strategy all the time.


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