scholarly journals A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Reconstructed National Identities in Selected Scottish and British Political Speeches with Reference to the Scottish Referendum

لارك ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (36) ◽  
pp. 258-270
Author(s):  
ساره علي حسين

Abstract                     This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the discursive construction of national identity in selected political discourses. The nationalist narratives affect the ways people view problems that are related to them as a group, i.e. related to their ethnicity, nation, and country. Because of the effective role of the national narratives in directing people's decisions, the study aims to investigate the ways in which national identities are maintained or reproduced in political discourse to reach political purposes. Thus, the researchers use a qualitative thematic analysis based on three levels to investigate the construction of the national identity in discourse. To achieve this aim, the study analyses two political speeches in which one of them is presented by the First Minister of Scotland Alex Salmond and the second one is given by the Prime Minister of the UK David Cameron. Both speeches are presented a day after the Scottish independence referendum. The researchers employ Wodak, de Cillia, Reisigl and Liebhart's (2009) theory of the discursive construction of national identity to examine the strategies that are used by those opposing sides to maintain or reproduce a specific national identification. The study arrives at identifying certain strategies used to express the opposing views of both politicians to construct, maintain or destroy national identities.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110386
Author(s):  
Saimum Parvez

This study examines the role of the press in shaping national identities in contemporary Bangladesh. It employs the critical discourse analysis method to analyze newspapers’ content and closely examines the news texts of three high-profile events in 2013: the Shahbag movement, the murder of blogger Rajib, and the Hefajat movement. Based on the critical discourse analysis of newspaper articles related to these three events, this study observes a discursive construction of two binary and intolerant identities in the coverage. This analysis demonstrates how the discourse of each newspaper creates meanings related to national identities and ideologies that serve to justify the interests of ‘us’ and to criticize ‘them’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-311
Author(s):  
Snobra Rizwan

Abstract This paper focuses on critical discourse analysis of national identity premises as they enter in Pakistan’s social media debate over patriotism and treason. Drawing on a theoretical framework that calls attention to the embeddedness of religious and nationalistic ideas in identification paradigm of a society, the analysis emphasizes the naturalized link in motivational/inspirational and factual/circumstantial premises and the discursive and non-discursive practices of a culture. It also shows how (supposed) lack of a clear sense of national identity is intrinsically connected to a politicized understanding of national and anti-national identities, since anti-national identity is made salient as an obstacle in path toward national acceptance, and thus as a threat to national security. This, it is argued, is achieved through certain discursive strategies and non-discursive acts which serve to position undesirable anti-nationals as simultaneously in need of proving their patriotism and ineligible for integration into a broader national identification paradigm.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Abdul-Latif

Religion and politics have a complicated relationship in the Arab world. Interdiscursivity within political speeches between religious and political discourses is a manifestation of this complexity. This article argues that this sort of interdiscursivity imposes hard restrictions on the responses of Muslim addressees. Muslims’ responses to Islamic sacred texts are inherently restricted because disagreement with divine texts amounts to heresy. Accordingly, their responses to political speeches that present themselves as semi-religious texts are highly restricted as well. I will analyze a speech by the late Egyptian president Sadat to show how potential and actual responses could be controlled by creating intertextual links with the Qur’an and adopting the genre of Islamic religious sermons. I combine analytical tools from critical discourse analysis and what I refer to as “addressee rhetoric” to investigate the relationship between interdiscursivity and addressee response.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Aprilia Firmonasari ◽  
Wening Udasmoro ◽  
Yohanes Tri Mastoyo

The concept of secularism or laicité is expressed in political discourses in various ways by the French presidential candidates in the 2017 campaign. Both candidates, Emmanuel Macron (EM) and Marine Le Pen (MLP) used specific forms and lingual expressions to explain secularism and national identity, especially those related to ‘Islam’, ‘immigration’ and ‘terrorism’. This study uses critical discourse analysis linked to their parties’ ideologies based on identity, activities, goals, norms, and values. In the discourses presented by EM and MLP, Islam is associated with religion, Muslims, jihad, Islamic fundamentalists, the burqa, and secularism. The results of discourse analysis show that EM’s and MLP’s discourses on secularism and Islam are notably different. MLP views secularism in France as being under threat due to external threats, namely immigrants and in particular Muslim immigrants. In contrast, EM views secularism as a concept to support and protect the identity of the nation and to support and to add to the diversity of French culture and identity. The findings of this research is that French concepts of national identities, which is closely related to secularism, correlates to the ideologies of the respective presidential candidates’ parties. The relationships between the parties’ ideologies, national identities, and discourses investigated in this research can be used as a methodology for political discourses, especially French political discourses.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-203
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan

Abstract This article presents an analysis of the evolution of Russia’s image representation in Georgian and Ukrainian political discourses amid Russian-Georgian and Russian-Ukrainian conflicts escalation. Even though Georgia’s and Ukraine’s troubled relations with neighboring Russia have been extensively studied, there has been little attention to the ideational dimensions of the confrontations, manifested in elite narratives, that would redraw the discursive boundaries between “Us” and “Them.” This study represents an attempt to fill the void, by examining the core narratives of the enemy, along with the discursive strategies of its othering in Georgian and Ukrainian presidential discourses through critical discourse analysis. The findings suggest that the image of the enemy has become a part of “New Georgia’s” and “New Ukraine’s” identity construction - inherently linked to the two countries’ “choice for Europe.” Russia has been largely framed as Europe’s other, with its “inherently imperial,” “irremediably aggressive” nature and adherence to illiberal, non-democratic values. The axiological and moral evaluations have been accompanied by the claims that the most effective way of standing up to the enemy’s aggression is the “consolidation of democratic nations,” coming down to the two countries’ quests for EU and NATO membership.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Mustafa Menshawy

Abstract In this article, I examine a corpus of texts that address the 1973 war; these texts cover the period from 1981 to 2011, marking the beginning and end of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. Utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), I explore how Mubarak’s regime employed the war to legitimize its power and defend its policies by deploying longstanding culturally-embedded ‘macro themes’. These macro themes refer to the war as an overwhelming and undisputed ‘Egyptian victory’ and, more significantly, they portray Mubarak himself as ‘war personified/war personalized’. The analysis of linguistic and extra-linguistic features in al-Ahram newspaper (the mouthpiece of the state), among other media texts on the war, show how the discursive construction was made consistent, coherent and resonant in a managed context that characterized the political and media landscapes. Depending on unique access to those who produced, edited and even censored the texts under analysis, this method unravels a complex set of cultural messages and conventions about the war, and fills a lacuna in the literature by offering insight into the deliberate and well-coordinated process of shaping and reshaping a specific discourse for a specific purpose.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rize Rahmi Rahmi

Although there were many studies of Political Discourse had been done in CDA approach, but still few studies concern withrelation of ideology and language in the discourse. This study aims to, 1) find the ideological discourse structureswhich are used to enhance ideology in political speeches delivered by Donald Trump and 2) reveal the ideologies found in the speeches of Donald Trump about National Security. The analysis in this study is based on Fairclough’s(1992 )framework of Critical Discourse Analysis which consists of three levels of analysis; textual, discursive practice and socio-cultural practice. Then, for textual analysis, the writer used one analytical tool that is the theory of Ideological Discourse Structure of the discourse by Van Dijk (2000). The results showed that Donald Trump used language tactfully to achieve his goal on politics. The conclusion obtained is that Donald Trump enhances fascist ideology in his speeches which can be seen through the ideological structure of discourse which is found in his political speech on National Security.


Author(s):  
Kamil Fleissner

ABSTRACTThis study aims to analyze the discoursive representation of andalusian collective identity and memory in the television series “La respuesta está en la historia”. I will reflect the theoretical approach of the social construction of identities and I will use the methodology of the critical discourse analysis to identify, classify and explore the basic discoursive strategies that are reproduced by the television series.RESUMENEl propósito general de este estudio es analizar la construcción discursiva de las representaciones de la identidad social y de la memoria colectiva de los andaluces en la serie “La respuesta está en la Historia”. Reflejando las explicaciones teóricas de la construcción de la identidad y los conceptos de la memoria colectiva, y usando la perspectiva teórico-metodológica del análisis crítico del discurso identifico, clasifico y exploro las principales estrategias discursivas usadas en el programa.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gisela Ruiseco ◽  
Thomas Slunecko

Following the discourse-historical approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (Wodak, de Cilia, Reisigl and Liebhart 1999; Wodak 2001), we analyze the inaugural speech of the actual president of Colombia, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, which he delivered on August 7th, 2002 in Bogotá. We take this speech as an illustration for the construction of national identity by the Colombian elites. In our analysis, we are particularly interested in Uribe’s strategy of referring to the European heritage and in his ways of appeasing the cultural and ethnic differences of the population.


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