scholarly journals Political differences in free will belief are driven by differences in moralization

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Albert Charlton Everett ◽  
Cory J Clark ◽  
Peter Meindl ◽  
Jamie B Luguri ◽  
Brian D. Earp ◽  
...  

In fourteen studies, we tested whether political conservatives’ stronger free will beliefs aredriven by stronger and broader tendencies to moralize, and thus a greater motivation to assign responsibility. In Study 1 (meta-analysis of five studies, n = 308,499) we show that conservatives have stronger tendencies to moralize than liberals, even for moralization measures containing zero political content (e.g., moral badness ratings of faces and personality traits). In Study 2, show that conservatives report higher free will belief, and this is mediated by the belief that people should be held morally responsible for their bad behaviour (n = 14,707). In Study 3, we show that political conservatism is associated with higher attributions of free will for specific events. Turning to experimental manipulations of our hypothesis, we show that when conservatives and liberals see an action as equally wrong there is no difference in free will attributions (Study 4); that when conservatives see an action as less wrong than liberals, they attribute less free will (Study 5); and that specific perceptions of wrongness mediate the relationship between political ideology and free will attributions (Study 6a and 6b). Finally, we show that political conservatives and liberals even differentially attribute free will for the same action depending on who performed it (Studies 7a-d). Together, our results suggest political differences in free will are largely explicable through motivated reasoning and differing desires to blame, rather than reflecting some genuine disagreement about the metaphysical nature of human freedom. Higher free will beliefs among conservatives may be explained by conservatives’ tendency to moralize, which strengthens motivation to justify blame with stronger belief in free will and personal accountability.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Albert Charlton Everett ◽  
Cory J Clark ◽  
Peter Meindl ◽  
Jamie B Luguri ◽  
Brian D. Earp ◽  
...  

In fourteen studies, we tested whether political conservatives’ stronger free will beliefs were linked to stronger and broader tendencies to moralize, and thus a greater motivation to assign blame. In Study 1 (meta-analysis of five studies, n=308,499) we show that conservatives have stronger tendencies to moralize than liberals, even for moralization measures containing zero political content (e.g., moral badness ratings of faces and personality traits). In Study 2, we show that conservatives report higher free will belief, and this is statistically mediated by the belief that people should be held morally responsible for their bad behavior (n=14,707). In Study 3, we show that political conservatism is associated with higher attributions of free will for specific events. Turning to experimental manipulations to test our hypotheses, we show that: when conservatives and liberals see an action as equally wrong there is no difference in free will attributions (Study 4); when conservatives see an action as less wrong than liberals, they attribute less free will (Study 5); and specific perceptions of wrongness account for the relation between political ideology and free will attributions (Study 6a and 6b). Finally, we show that political conservatives and liberals even differentially attribute free will for the same action depending on who performed it (Studies 7a-d). These results are consistent with our theory that political differences in free will belief are at least partly explicable by conservatives’ tendency to moralize, which strengthens motivation to justify blame with stronger belief in free will and personal accountability.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas H Costello ◽  
Shauna Marie Bowes ◽  
scott lilienfeld

Philosophers have long speculated that authoritarianism and belief in determinism are functionally related. To evaluate this hypothesis, we assessed whether authoritarianism and allied personality and political variables predict varieties of belief in determinism in three community samples (N1 = 566 to 20,010; N2 = 500; N3 = 419). Authoritarianism and allied variables manifested moderate to large positive correlations with both fatalistic and genetic determinism beliefs. Controlling for political conservatism did not meaningfully attenuate these relations. Further, openness was negatively related to fatalistic determinism beliefs and agreeableness was negatively related to genetic determinism beliefs. Taken together, our findings clarify the nature of relations between authoritarianism and general personality, on the one hand, and free will/determinism beliefs, on the other, and suggest intriguing intersections between worldviews and personality traits.


Author(s):  
Danny Osborne ◽  
Nicole Satherley ◽  
Chris G. Sibley

Research since the 1990s reveals that openness to experience—a personality trait that captures interest in novelty, creativity, unconventionalism, and open-mindedness—correlates negatively with political conservatism. This chapter summarizes this vast literature by meta-analyzing 232 unique samples (N = 575,691) that examine the relationship between the Big Five personality traits and conservatism. The results reveal that the negative relationship between openness to experience and conservatism (r = −.145) is nearly twice as big as the next strongest correlation between personality and ideology (namely, conscientiousness and conservatism; r = .076). The associations between personality traits and conservatism were, however, substantively larger in Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) countries than in non-WEIRD countries. The chapter concludes by reviewing recent longitudinal work demonstrating that openness to experience and conservatism are non-causally related. Collectively, the chapter shows that openness to experience is by far the strongest (negative) correlate of conservatism but that there is little evidence that this association is causal.


Author(s):  
Urszula Barańczuk

Abstract. The aim of the study was to evaluate the relation between the Big Five personality traits and generalized self-efficacy. Data for the meta-analysis were collected from 53 studies, which included 60 independent samples, 188 effect sizes, and 28,704 participants. Lower neuroticism and higher extraversion, openness to experience, agreeableness, and conscientiousness were associated with greater generalized self-efficacy. Personality traits and generalized self-efficacy measurements, as well as age, moderated the relationship between the Big Five personality traits and generalized self-efficacy. The study extends current knowledge on the associations between personality traits and generalized self-efficacy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kourosh Sayehmiri ◽  
Karez Ibrahim Kareem ◽  
Kamel Abdi ◽  
Sahar Dalvand ◽  
Reza Ghanei Gheshlagh

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shang E. Ha

Recent studies suggest that personality traits affect not only ordinary citizens’ political ideology but also their opinions on specific social or political issues. In line with these studies, this article examines the relationship between personality traits — measured by the Ten Item Personality Inventory (TIPI) — and South Koreans’ attitudes toward North Korea. The results from statistical analysis of two nationally representative surveys reveal that people who are conscientious are less likely to feel close to North Korea and more likely to believe North Korea is a hostile nation, whereas those high on Openness are more likely to harbour positive attitudes toward North Korea. Given that attitudes toward North Korea have been the most important determinant of political ideology in South Korea, these findings seem to be consistent with those of pre-existing studies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 855-893 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhinav Gupta ◽  
Sucheta Nadkarni ◽  
Misha Mariam

We investigate the dispositional sources of managerial discretion by theorizing that CEOs’ personality traits affect the extent to which their firms’ strategies reflect their preferences. In a longitudinal study of Fortune 500 firms, we examine the moderating influence of two personality traits—narcissism and extraversion—on the relationship between CEOs’ liberal- or conservative-leaning political ideologies and two firm strategies: corporate social responsibility (CSR) and workforce downsizing. We anticipate and confirm that liberal-leaning CEOs are more likely than others to enact CSR practices, and conservative-leaning CEOs are more likely than others to engage in downsizing. We find that extraversion strengthens these effects: it increases liberal CEOs’ use of CSR and conservative CEOs’ use of downsizing. Narcissism likewise strengthens the effect of CEO liberalism on CSR, but it does not significantly moderate the effect of CEO conservatism on downsizing. In a supplementary study using primary data from working professionals, we further explore the distinct mechanisms associated with these two personality traits. We find that narcissism relates strongly to individuals’ inflated perception of their discretion, whereas extraversion relates to their ability to sell an issue to others. Our study furthers research on managerial discretion by providing nuanced theory and evidence on innate sources of CEOs’ influence, and it enhances research on CEOs’ political ideology by spotlighting the dispositional boundary conditions of its effects on firms’ strategies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Osborne ◽  
Nicole Satherley ◽  
Chris G Sibley

Research over the last three decades reveals that Openness to Experience—a personality trait that captures interest in novelty, creativity, unconventionalism, and open-mindedness—correlates negatively with political conservatism. Here, we summarise this vast literature by meta-analysing 232 unique samples (N = 575,691) that examine the relationship between the Big Five and conservatism. Results reveal that the negative relationship between Openness to Experience and conservatism is nearly twice as big as the next strongest correlation between personality and ideology (namely, Conscientiousness and conservatism; rs = −.145 and .076, respectively). The associations between traits and conservatism were, however, substantively smaller in non-WEIRD (Western, educated, industrialized, rich and democratic) countries. We conclude by reviewing recent longitudinal work demonstrating that Openness to Experience and conservatism are non-causally related. Collectively, our chapter shows that Openness to Experience is by far the strongest (negative) correlate of conservatism, but that there is little evidence to suggest that this association is causal.


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