scholarly journals Whose Realm, His Trust - Regional Disparities of Generalized Trust in Europe

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Stephany

Trust explains the functioning of markets, institutions or society as a whole. It is a key element in almost every commercial transaction over time and might be one of the main explanations of economic success and development. In Europe, the determinants of (generalized) trust have been investigated in the past. Most scholars have focused on aggregate (national) levels of trust. However, it can be assumed that driving forces, which foster or diminish trust, act at a sub-national level. Regional clusters remain undetected. With the use of the European Social Survey 6 and modern spatial diagnostics, this work examines the individual and regional determinants of trust in 88 European NUTS1 regions in 26 countries. There are two main findings. First, wealth, linguistic fragmentation, and religious ideologies shape trust on a regional level, education, income, and membership in associations foster trust on an individual level. Secondly, the study unravels regional dispersions in different types of "trust regimes" in Europe. Regional clusters of generalized trust are confirmed by spatial diagnostics. The "regionality" of trust could be of importance for future targeted policy making.

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 766-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

A large body of aggregate-level work shows that government policies do indeed respond to citizen preferences. But whether citizens recognize that government is responsive is another question entirely. Indeed, a prior question is whether or not citizens value responsiveness in the way that academic research assumes they should in the first place. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey, this article examines how citizens see government responsiveness. We show that several key assumptions of the aggregate-level literature are met at the individual level. But we also present results that show that attitudes toward representation and responsiveness are colored, sometimes in quite surprising ways, by winner–loser effects. In a finding that stands in some contrast to the normative literature on the topic, we show that these sorts of short-term attitudes help shape preferences for models of representation. In particular, we show that the distinction between delegates and trustees is a conceptual distinction that has limits in helping us to understand citizen preferences for representation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 471-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Shore

Although it is no longer a symbol of socially degenerate behavior in many societies, single motherhood remains associated with numerous risks and disadvantages. In addition to their disadvantages in the labor market and their greater risk of poverty, single mothers also tend to be less politically active. This article explores the patterns of single mothers’ electoral participation across 25 European countries. In addition to the individual-level characteristics that shape the likelihood of taking part in an election, public policies can also do a great deal to encourage political involvement. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey combined with national family and labor market policies, I examine the ways in which policies aiming to reconcile the responsibilities at work and home can draw single mothers into political engagement. I find that early childhood expenditures and cash benefits to families are positively related to single mothers’ political participation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Tomasz Masłyk

The aim of the article was to present the results of a comparative analysis between levels of generalized trust of people with disabilities in fourteen European countries in the context of the general public. The data used in the analysis came from the European Social Survey 2002–2016. The basis of the analysis was the assumption that generalized trust is a reflection of a certain cultural pattern affecting all of society, which is built on the assessment regarding the quality of the functioning of the state and its institutions. This assessment showed differences not only between individual countries, but also indiacated a distance that separates disabled people from the rest of society. Comparison of results from several countries differing in social and economic development showed coherent and universal dependency patterns. Firstly, countries characterized by a higher level of development showed a higher level of trust in the whole society including people with disabilities. Secondly, regardless of differences in the level of development amongst individual countries, the differences in the level of trust between the general public and of people with disabilities were similar. Thirdly, in most of the countries surveyed, disability at the individual level was not a determinant to the assessment of generalized trust if an influence of sociodemographic characteristics and social order assessment were controlled for.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Elena Sandovici ◽  
Terri Davis

AbstractUsing data collected from the European Social Survey (made available by the Norwegian Social Science Data Services), we compare the political acts of buycotting, boycotting, and direct monetary donation and examine the different individual-level attributes that determine people to engage in these political acts. Specifically, we examine the individual attributes that best indicate an individual’s propensity to engage in these activities. Our main findings are that women and young people participate in political consumerism more than men and older people. We also find that donors differ substantially from buycotters and boycotters, which leads us to conclude that donating is a different, more traditional type of participation than is political consumerism. This sets the stage for studying nontraditional realms of political expression and in particular indicates a need for future studies on political actors most likely to engage in political consumerism.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN SIDES ◽  
JACK CITRIN

This article assesses the influence of material interests and cultural identities on European opinion about immigration. Analysis of respondents in twenty countries sampled in the 2002–03 European Social Survey demonstrates that they are unenthusiastic about high levels of immigration and typically overestimate the actual number of immigrants living in their country. At the individual level, cultural and national identity, economic interests and the level of information about immigration are all important predictors of attitudes. ‘Symbolic’ predispositions, such as preferences for cultural unity, have a stronger statistical effect than economic dissatisfaction. Variation across countries in both the level and the predictors of opposition to immigration are mostly unrelated to contextual factors cited in previous research, notably the amount of immigration into a country and the overall state of its economy. The ramifications of these findings for policy makers are discussed in the context of current debates about immigration and European integration.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maksim Rudnev

A theory of basic human values relies on the similarity of value structures across countries. It has been well established that the quasi-circumplex value structure as a whole is indeed universal. However, less attention has been paid to the associations between specific values. This study investigated associations between four higher-order values across age, education, and income groups. We analyzed the data from national representative samples collected in 29 countries as part of the fourth round of the European Social Survey with a series of multilevel regressions. Younger age, higher levels of education and income coincided with higher independence of the four adjacent higher-order values, whereas among older, less educated, and less wealthy groups, values tended to merge into a single dimension of Social versus Person Focus. These differences were slightly weaker in more economically developed countries. The group differences in value associations may follow from corresponding differences in the degree of societal and individual empowerment, cognitive abilities, and socialization experiences. Accounting for the individual differences in relations between values may bring deeper understanding and higher predictive power to the studies of links between values and various behaviors or attitudes. , value structure, value interactions, European Social Survey


Author(s):  
Yan Wang ◽  
Feng Hao ◽  
Yunxia Liu

Population change and environmental degradation have become two of the most pressing issues for sustainable development in the contemporary world, while the effect of population aging on pro-environmental behavior remains controversial. In this paper, we examine the effects of individual and population aging on pro-environmental behavior through multilevel analyses of cross-national data from 31 countries. Hierarchical linear models with random intercepts are employed to analyze the data. The findings reveal a positive relationship between aging and pro-environmental behavior. At the individual level, older people are more likely to participate in environmental behavior (b = 0.052, p < 0.001), and at the national level, living in a country with a greater share of older persons encourages individuals to behave sustainably (b = 0.023, p < 0.01). We also found that the elderly are more environmentally active in an aging society. The findings imply that the longevity of human beings may offer opportunities for the improvement of the natural environment.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 709-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe

Abstract.In recent years an impressive amount of evidence has been collected documenting a negative relationship between levels of ethnic diversity and social capital indicators, in particular generalized trust. In this article we raise a number of theoretical arguments that should be addressed before these findings can be generalized. First, it has to be remembered that most of these studies focus on generalized trust as a social capital indicator, while trust probably is most vulnerable for the effects of weakening homogeneity. Second, it is argued that in order to arrive at a better understanding of the relation between diversity and social capital, at least three intermediary variables need to be taken into account: 1) the question whether diversity entails segregation of networks at the individual level; 2) the increase in diversity rather than the absolute level; 3) the regimes societies use to govern diversity, and especially the variation with regard to the openness of these regimes. We close by exploring the suggestion that in more diverse societies, recognition of group differences and identities, and group relations based on equality-based concepts of reciprocity should be considered as potentially more meaningful strategies.Résumé.Dans les dernières années, une quantité impressionnante de preuves ont été rassemblées, qui documentent une relation négative entre le niveau de diversité ethnique et les indicateurs de capital social, en particulier la confiance généralisée. Dans cet article, nous soulevons un certain nombre d'arguments théoriques qu'il faut examiner avant de pouvoir généraliser ces résultats. D'abord il faut noter que la plupart de ces études se sont concentrées sur la confiance généralisée comme indicateur de capital social alors que la confiance est probablement particulièrement vulnérable aux effets d'une érosion de l'homogénéité. Deuxièmement, nous avançons que, pour mieux comprendre la relation entre diversité et capital social, trois variables intermédiaires au moins doivent être prises en considération : 1) l'existence d'une ségrégation des réseaux au niveau individuel du fait de la diversité; 2) l'augmentation de la diversité plutôt que son niveau absolu; 3) les régimes que les sociétés utilisent pour gouverner la diversité et surtout le degré d'ouverture de ces régimes. Pour finir, nous explorons la suggestion que, dans des sociétés plus diverses, la reconnaissance des différences et identités des groupes, et des relations inter-groupes basées sur des concepts d'égalité et de réciprocité devraient être considérées comme des stratégies potentiellement plus significatives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 949 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Zasuwa

Product boycotts represent an important form of sustainable consumption, as withholding purchasing can restrain firms from damaging the natural environment or breaking social rules. However, our understanding of consumer participation in these protests is limited. Most previous studies have focused on the psychological and economic determinants of product boycotting. Drawing on social capital literature, this study builds a framework that explains how individual- and contextual-level social capital affects consumer participation in boycotts of products. A multilevel logistic regression analysis of 29 country representative samples derived from the European Social Survey (N = 54221) shows that at the individual level product boycotting is associated with a person’s social ties, whereas at the country level, generalized trust and social networks positively affect consumer decisions to take part in these protests. These results suggest that to better understand differences among countries in consumer activism, it is necessary to consider the role of social capital as an important predictor of product boycotting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daphne Halikiopoulou ◽  
Tim Vlandas

AbstractThis article contests the view that the strong positive correlation between anti-immigration attitudes and far right party success necessarily constitutes evidence in support of the cultural grievance thesis. We argue that the success of far right parties depends on their ability to mobilize a coalition of interests between their core supporters, that is voters with cultural grievances over immigration and the often larger group of voters with economic grievances over immigration. Using individual level data from eight rounds of the European Social Survey, our empirical analysis shows that while cultural concerns over immigration are a stronger predictor of far right party support, those who are concerned with the impact of immigration on the economy are important to the far right in numerical terms. Taken together, our findings suggest that economic grievances over immigration remain pivotal within the context of the transnational cleavage.


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