scholarly journals Race Names

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Elaine Oliver

This essay discusses the “race names” in the United States, including Black or African America as well as Negro; American Indian or Native American; Hispanic, Latino, Mexican American, Chicano; Asian American; White, European American, Caucasian; and umbrella terms such as “people of color.” It also discusses the insult terms and outdated terms, including a section specifically on the disappearance of “Negro.” Attention is also given to calling out the “colonial minorities,” groups that are part of the United States due to conquest and oppression rather than voluntary migration. Racial groups are socially constructed in the process of political conflict and the creation of and challenges to structures of domination. Group names are never fixed and are always contested as the process of naming is itself part of the political contestation. This essay is based on the author’s reading and discussion with members of the groups in question. It is intended to be useful for teaching and public discussion, but does not provide scholarly citations for the research that has been done in this area. 11/11/2017 NOTE: The original blog version of this essay has been updated multiple times and is the latest version. https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/soc/racepoliticsjustice/2017/09/16/race-names/

Author(s):  
Bic Ngo ◽  
Nimo Abdi ◽  
Diana Chandara

Education research has long highlighted gender disparities in the academic achievement of women and men. At the dawn of the 20th century, men attained higher levels of education than women. By the 21st century, women from all racial groups achieved higher levels of education than men. Likewise, among the children of post-1965 “new immigrants,” female students have higher levels of educational attainment than male students. While gender has remained important as a domain of analysis for understanding disparities in education, analyses of the significance of gender in the education of immigrant children have focused primarily on differences in gender norms and expectations of immigrant groups from those of dominant culture in the United States. Such an emphasis disregards the social, cultural, and political dynamics of acculturation and adaptation where gender is shaped by the ethnic family, race and racialization, and religion, among other things. The “caring,” translational work that Mexican American girls do for parents, the racialized gender construction of Southeast Asian American male students as Other (not male), and the Islamophobia faced by Somali American female students wearing hijabs make salient family obligations, race, and religious identity, respectively, in the educational experiences and outcomes of female and male immigrant students. Considerations of gender in the education of immigrant children in the United States necessitate an intersectional analysis that puts gender in conversation with social factors and institutions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 1421-1430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Ai ◽  
Hoa B. Appel ◽  
Jungup Lee

Obesity is a public health epidemic, particularly among underrepresented populations. With a large proportion of immigrants, Latino Americans comprise the largest minority population in the United States. This study examined the association of acculturation factors with obesity among Latino American men ( n = 1,127) using the National Latino and Asian American Study. The result identified two acculturation-related factors (being U.S.-born and living in the United States for the longest period/5-10 years) as positive correlates. In contrast, a different study on obesity in Latino American women demonstrated discrimination, but not the above factors, as significant correlates. The men’s pattern suggests that the Hispanic/Latino paradox might have greater implications for men with respect to weight issues. Furthermore, Mexican American and Other Latino American men presented a greater likelihood of being obese than Cuban and Puerto Rican men. The findings, if replicated in prospective research, suggest the need for gender- and ethnic-specific intervention for obesity in Latino American men, particularly for the largest subgroup, Mexican Americans.


Author(s):  
Kevin D. Lam

Youth gangs of color in the United States have emerged in the context of larger structural forces. For example, Mexican American, black, and Vietnamese/Asian American youth gang formation in Southern California is tied to their respective racialized communities’ initial movements into the Los Angeles area (from Mexico and Vietnam, and for blacks, from the U.S. South). Structural forces such as political/social unrest and economic instability, both domestically and in their sending countries; the role of the U.S. military and economic apparatus; and (im)migration patterns and trends impact the particularities of youth gang subculture—including protection and self-preservation; ethnic pride and desire for family; having to navigate, resist, and rearticulate youth identities (in and outside the context of schooling); and the desire to garner money, power, and respect in a capitalist context. U.S. racism and state violence have also had an impact on youth gang formation. Anti-youth legislation in the late 1980s and early 1990s, in particular, have helped shape the discourse on youth of color, criminality, “gangs,” space, and citizenship over the past three decades. Although such youth are typically on the margins or left out of educational institutions, a critical pedagogy provides a space for engagement and hope.


Author(s):  
Catherine A. Brekus

Historically, women in colonial North America and the United States have been deeply influenced by their religious traditions. Even though world religions like Judaism, Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam are based on scriptural traditions that portray women as subordinate to men, women have made up the majority of most religious groups in America. While some Americans have used religious arguments to limit women’s legal, political, and economic rights, others have drawn on scripture to defend women’s dignity and equality. Women’s religious beliefs have shaped every aspect of their lives, including their choices about how to structure their time, their attitudes toward sexuality and the body, and their understanding of suffering. Unlike early American Catholic women, who saw their highest religious calling as the sisterhood, most white colonial women identified their primary religious vocation as ministering to their families. In the 19th century, however, white Protestant women become increasingly involved in reform movements like temperance, abolitionism, and women’s suffrage, and African-American, Native American, Asian-American, and Latina women used religious arguments to challenge assumptions about white racial supremacy. In the 20th century, growing numbers of women from many different religious traditions have served as religious leaders, and in some cases they have also demanded ordination. Despite these dramatic changes in religious life, however, many religiously conservative women opposed the Equal Rights Amendment during the 1970s and early 1980s, and in the first decades of the 21st century they have continued to identify feminism and religion as antithetical.


2007 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAROLINE SOTELLO VIERNES TURNER

According to recent data, only 3 percent of all college and university presidents are women of color. While the numbers remain disturbingly low, some of these women of color are making history as the "first" of their gender, race, and ethnicity to become president of a public, baccalaureate degree–granting college or university. In this article, Caroline Sotello Viernes Turner presents biographical sketches of three of these women. They are acknowledged to be the first Mexican American, Native American, and Asian Pacific/Asian American women who are presidents of such colleges in the United States. Women from these respective racial and ethnic groups have become university presidents only recently. Using in-depth interviews and cross-case comparisons, the author examines the paths these women presidents have taken and how their narratives contribute important information about women of color in higher education administration. She asserts that from their stories we can learn about the "pathway to the presidency" these women have helped to forge, about the ways universities can help support the leadership development of women of color, and about how to foster leadership in other women of color who aspire to be college presidents. Turner concludes that these women of color "firsts" continue to make important contributions to the field of higher education, and to pave the way for other women.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Wrigley-Field ◽  
Kaitlyn M. Berry ◽  
Govind Persad

We provide the first age-standardized race/ethnicity-specific, state-specific vaccination rates for the United States, encompassing all states reporting race/ethnicity-specific vaccinations. The data reflect vaccinations through mid-October 2021. We use indirect age standardization to compare racial/ethnic state vaccination rates to national age-specific vaccination patterns. Results show that white and Black state median vaccination rates are, respectively, 89% and 76% of what would be predicted based on age; Hispanic and Native rates are almost identical to what would be predicted; and Asian-American/Pacific Islander rates are 110% of what would be predicted. We also find that racial/ethnic group vaccination rates are associated with state politics, as proxied by 2020 Trump vote share: for each percentage point increase in 2020 Trump vote share, vaccination rates decline by 1.08 percent of what would be predicted based on age. This decline is sharpest for Native American populations, although Native vaccinations are reported for relatively few states.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document