scholarly journals Exploring the Ethnic Immigrant Inflows from Latin America to Canada: 1981-2016

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Mata
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Central American ◽  
Collective Case Study ◽  
Residential Preferences ◽  
Economic Class ◽  
Working Populations

Using 2016 census data, the study carried out five socio-demographic explorations regarding 25 ethnic immigrant inflows from Latin America to Canada occurring between 1981 and 2016. The population represented by these inflows comprised approximately 470 thousand immigrants. The data was drawn from two special 2016 census tables which collected information on immigrants' admission categories (economic, family and refugee) and their reported ethnic ancestries. Explorations focused on the following aspects: census counts and periods of arrival, residential preferences, admission class mix, population configurations and human capital attainment profiles. Five main historical immigrant waves had been already been identified by Canadian scholars: Lead or Eurolatino, Andean, Coup, Central American and Technological or Professional. Evidence of the presence of these immigrant waves was found in the census data explorations undertaken. Census figures revealed that the largest ethnic immigrant inflow corresponded to those reporting Spanish ancestry (158 thousand or 34% of the total) followed by the Colombian, Mexican, Salvadoran and Peruvian inflows. Residential concentrations in the provinces of Ontario and Quebec were also detected. Explorations suggest that "Latino" communities in Canada are emerging as the demographic product of a mixture of admission classes which are uniquely distributed in age-gender cohorts of their respective population configurations. Human capital attainment explorations revealed that inflow members of the working populations corresponding to the fifth technological or professional wave from countries such as Venezuela, Mexico, Brazil and Colombia ranked at top levels of education and income achievements, those admitted as economic class in particular. The study of Latin American ethnic inflows to Canada is especially relevant for social policy because it represents a "collective" case study where the researcher is able to summarize a complex immigration picture through the examination of the geographical region representing a sample of units which ensures maximum variation in terms of several push-pull migratory factors at work.

scholarly journals b) Uruguay: Extreme Positive Case Study (Latin America)

2021 ◽  
pp. 299-307
Author(s):  
Jason García Portilla
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Latin America ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Positive Case ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
Domestic Sphere

AbstractSecularisation and religiosity in Uruguay are closer to Western European levels than to Latin American averages. The idea of medieval “Christendom” inherited from Hispanic times became obsolete and residual in Uruguay already during the nineteenth century (which is early compared to the rest of Latin America).Uruguay closely followed the laïcité model of the French Revolution without ever completely replicating it. This process resulted in the widespread secularisation of institutional fields, displaced religion to the domestic sphere, and guaranteed the freedom of consciousness and religion.In Uruguay, as well as in Switzerland, Protestantism has played a crucial role along with liberalism in introducing anti-clericalism (and religious freedom) in its constitution and therefore also in its institutions. Protestantism, then, has played a decisive role in shaping the trajectory of democracy, human capital, ethics, transparency, secularisation, and social progress.

Liberation Theology and the Central America Solidarity Movement

2019 ◽  
pp. 95-126
Author(s):  
Sharon Erickson Nepstad
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Central American ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
School Of The Americas

This chapter examines the conditions that fostered liberation theology in Latin America. The chapter provides a brief overview of liberation theology’s central themes and how it fueled revolutionary movements in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala. It surveys the Catholic hierarchy’s responses, ranging from sympathy to condemnation, and highlights several US religious movements that expressed solidarity with Central American Catholics who were fighting for social justice. These organizations included Witness for Peace, which brought US Christians to the war zones of Nicaragua to deter combat attacks, and also Pledge of Resistance, which mobilized tens of thousands into action when US policy toward the region grew more bellicose. Finally, the chapter describes the School of the Americas Watch, which aimed to stop US training of Latin American militaries that were responsible for human rights atrocities.

scholarly journals Postneoliberalism as institutional recalibration: Reading Polanyi through Argentina’s soy boom

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Berndt ◽  
Marion Werner ◽  
Víctor Ramiro Fernández
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Geography ◽  
Capital Flows ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Double Movement ◽  
Movement Type ◽  
Societal Reaction ◽  
Fictitious Commodities

While postneoliberalism is often interpreted as a societal reaction against the deleterious effects of marketization in Latin America, this paper develops a finer-grained Polanyian institutional analysis to gain better analytical purchase on the ambivalent outcomes of postneoliberal reforms. Drawing on recent insights in economic geography, and in dialogue with the Latin American structuralist tradition, we elaborate our framework through a case study of the Argentinian soy boom of the 2000s, identifying forms of market extension, redistribution, reciprocity and householding that facilitated this process. We argue for a multi-scalar approach that balances attention to national and extra-local dynamics shaping the combination of these forms, identified through the lens of the “fictitious commodities” of the soy boom: money (credit, currency and cross-border capital flows), land (in the agricultural heartland and frontier regions), labor (transformed and excluded in a “farming without farmers” model) and, we add, knowledge (biotech). Our analysis identifies internal tensions as well as overt resistance and “overflow” that ultimately led to the collapse of postneoliberal regulation of the soy complex, ushering in a wider, market-radical counter-movement. Refracting double-movement-type dynamics through the prism of heterodox institutional forms, we argue, allows for a better grasp of processes that underlie institutional recalibrations of progressive and regressive kinds.

The Andean Common Market: A New Thrust at Economic Integration in Latin America

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin C. Kearns
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
Common Market ◽  
Central American ◽  
Trade Association ◽  
Common Problems ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
The 1960S

The decade of the 1960s could well be termed the First Economic Integration Decade in Latin America. During this period the republics of Latin America experienced a “collective awakening,” inspiring an environment in which superficial and exclusivist values gave way to pragmatic and cooperative attitudes. Economic alliances were formed among neighbors, predicated on the rationale that, by joining forces in the spirit of cooperation and applying an ecumenical approach to common problems, each of the participating countries would be better off than pursuing a strictly autarkic course (see Figure 1).The initial effort at integration was the Central American Common Market (CACM), formed in late 1960 and including all the countries of Central America except Panama.1 That same year, the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) was created and, measured in terms of territory and population, represented the most significant economic cooperative. A third grouping was the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA), established in 1968 as an agreement among eleven British Commonwealth nations and territories.

scholarly journals Neglected, Protected, Ejected: Latin American Women Caught by Crimmigration

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Dingeman ◽  
Yekaterina Arzhayev ◽  
Cristy Ayala ◽  
Erika Bermudez ◽  
Lauren Padama ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Life History ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Legal Aid ◽  
American Women

The United States deported 24,870 women in 2013, mostly to Latin America. We examine life history interviews with Mexican and Central American women who were apprehended, detained, and experienced different outcomes. We find that norms of the “crimmigration era” override humanitarian concerns, such that the state treats migrants as criminals first and as persons with claims for relief second. Removal and relief decisions appear less dependent on eligibility than geography, access to legal aid, and public support. Women’s experiences parallel men’s but are often worsened by their gendered statuses. Far from passively accepting the violence of crimmigration, women resist through discourse and activism.

‘I wanted to see if you are one of us’: The role of identity in the migration experience, a case study of Latin Americans in Australia

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-98
Author(s):  
Catherine Gomes ◽  
Glenda Mejía
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Economic Class ◽  
Migration Experience ◽  
Education Levels ◽  
Sources Of Support ◽  
And Gender ◽  
New Community

The literature on transnational migrations tells us that new migrants often look for points of similarity and familiarity with people in destination countries. Whether they intend to settle permanently or if they are transient and temporary, new migrants whatever their histories (e.g., as forced, lifestyle, economic, worker and study migrants) look to create connections with people in destination countries. These connections allow migrants to feel a sense of belonging through established or new community networks that anchor them in their adopted/host country. Moreover, these connections provide practical benefit in terms of allowing migrants to access sources of support (e.g., emotional) and information that are useful in navigating everyday life in the new country. Often, the connections that migrants make are with fellow migrants who are from the same country of origin or migrants from elsewhere primarily because of their shared migration experience. This shared migration experience though is subject to variables such as socio-economic class, education levels, religious affiliation and gender, or a combination of these, just to name a few. For migrants, connecting with people who they identify and recognize as fellow migrant actors, in other words, is a common, if not, instinctual occurrence for migrant belonging-making. While this article acknowledges the significance of the identity-migrant nexus by referring to two separate research projects conducted in Australia involving Latin American participants as a case study, it observes that migrants may also seek out those who they perceive to be fellow co-national/co-ethnic migrants through conventional or perceived visual and cultural markers.

scholarly journals Presidentas Rise: Consequences for Women in Cabinets?

2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Reyes-Housholder
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Empirical Implications

AbstractSince 1999, women have democratically won the presidency eight times in Latin America and have named hundreds of ministers. This study argues that under certain conditions,presidentasare more likely than male presidents to improve women's cabinet representation. Two mechanisms,presidentamandates and gendered networks, appear to drive the relationship. Furthermore, because the pool of ministerial candidates is shallower for women than for men,presidentasare most likely to advance women's representation in cabinets at the beginning of their term and for “feminine” ministries. A case study of Michelle Bachelet's 2006 ministerial appointments reveals initial evidence for the argument. Empirical implications are then tested with an original dataset of 1,908 ministers of all democratically elected Latin American presidents since 1999. Model results are consistent with the theory thatpresidentasare most likely to “make a difference” when they are least constrained by the supply of female ministerial candidates.

Skyscrapers in Santiago: 300 meters of globalization agenda

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 439-454
Author(s):  
Nestor Garza
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Small Sample ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Main Determinant ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Latin American Region ◽  
Quantitative Results ◽  
The One

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess alternative economic explanations of buildings’ height in Latin America and Chile, inductively producing a theory about skyscrapers’ height in emerging countries. In the quest for height, global exposure as advertising guides developers located in emerging economies, while ego-building for investors. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses mixed methods triangulation (MMT). Findings with small sample econometrics for 38 cities from 13 different countries are re-interpreted by linguistically analyzing 11 semi-structured interviews with local experts in Santiago. Findings Globalization is the main determinant of skyscrapers height in the Latin American region, its interaction with the need to portray management and technical skills of developer firms, determines a process toward over-construction. Research limitations/implications Because of small sample bias, the quantitative results are not fully reliable, but this is precisely why it makes sense to use MMT. Practical implications Santiago offers a valuable case study because, on the one hand, Chile was the first Latin American country to undertake neoliberal type reforms, as early as 1973. On the other, the tallest Latin American skyscraper is to be completed in this city by 2015. The theory developed, derived from the evidence and the perceptions, has a Global South reach and can open-up an empirical research agenda. Originality/value This paper innovates in real estate research by using MMT, not just to confirm quantitative findings, but as an inductive theory building tool. It also analyses Latin America, a region with scarce presence in the literature.

scholarly journals Internacionalización en el sector aéreo de América Latina: estudio multicaso de Aeroméxico, Avianca y Latam (Internationalization in the Latin American air sector: multi- case study of Aeromexico, Avianca and Latam)

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (30) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Satsumi Lopez ◽  
Mauricio Alejandro Montañez Cuevas ◽  
Jorge Antonio Zertuche Zertuche ◽  
Daniel Gregorio Paez Aguirre ◽  
Alejandro Martinez Cespedes
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Strategic Alliances ◽  
Airline Industry ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Domestic Market ◽  
Internationalization Strategies ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Sobre Todo

Abstract. The objective of this paper is to analyze the internationalization strategies of the Latin American airlines: Aeromexico (Mexico), Avianca (Colombia) and LATAM (Chile). For this, a qualitative multi-case study technique was applied. The research question that is intended to answer in this paper is: in what way are the main airlines in Latin America internationalized? The results suggest that the airlines studied use similar internationalization strategies, which are based on strategic alliances with other airlines in order to offer a better service to their passengers. They were also identified as the main characteristics of these airlines that are strong in their domestic market (especially Aeromexico) and then they start to expand their operations abroad. Likewise, Avianca and LATAM have the main market in Latin America, while Aeromexico has a greater presence in the United States.Key words: Aeromexico, airline industry, Avianca, internationalization, LATAM, service sectorJEL: F23, M16.Resumen. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las estrategias de internacionalización de las aerolíneas latinoamericanas Aeroméxico (México), Avianca (Colombia) y LATAM (Chile). Para esto se aplicó una técnica cualitativa de  estudio multi-caso. La pregunta de investigación que se pretende responder en este trabajo es ¿de qué manera se internacionalizan las principales aerolíneas en América Latina?. Los resultados sugieren que las aerolíneas estudiadas utilizan estrategias similares de internacionalización, las cuáles están basadas en alianzas estratégicas con otras aerolíneas para poder ofrecer un mejor servicio a sus pasajeros. Además fueron identificadas como principales características de estas aerolíneas que son fuertes en su mercado interno (sobre todo Aeroméxico) y de ahí parten para poder expandir sus operaciones hacía el exterior. Asimismo Avianca y LATAM tiene como principal mercado América Latina, en cambio Aeroméxico tiene una mayor presencia en Estados Unidos.Palabras clave: Aeroméxico, Avianca, internacionalización, LATAM, sector aéreo, sector servicios

scholarly journals Coups, “smart coups” and elections: Right power strategies in a context of Left hegemony

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-49
Author(s):  
Barry Cannon
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Psychology ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Institutional Legitimacy ◽  
Relative Paucity ◽  
Electoral Strategies ◽  
Power Strategies

Most analyses of Right-wing power strategies in Latin America highlight the relative paucity of dedicated Right-wing political parties, and the preponderance of non-electoral strategies. Despite this such studies continue to privilege the electoral over other strategies. This paper presents a more wide-ranging, comprehensive perspective based on political sociology and political psychology theories. Here strategies are categorised at three levels – electoral, extra-electoral and semi- or extra-constitutional - which can be activated in a multi-layered manner, depending on the level of threat perceived to Right objectives and on conditions on the ground. Using the case study of the removal of Dilma Rousseff from the presidency in Brazil in 2016, the article seeks to illustrate the ultimate aim of achieving a “smart coup”, whereby left governments are forced out of office with relatively little bloodshed and an element of popular and institutional legitimacy. In this way the Latin American Right aims to integrate electoral and non-electoral strategies to the democratic context of Left hegemony in the region.

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