scholarly journals The politics behind the veil

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ozan Aksoy ◽  
Diego Gambetta
Keyword(s):  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Strategic Response ◽  
Religious Symbols ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Information Problem ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Politically Active

Using a natural experiment, we find that in provinces where Turkey’s Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) just won the election in 2004, women, including those who are weakly- or non-religious, now veil far more than in provinces in which AKP just lost, the more so the poorer they are. This effect, as we predict, does not occur for praying regularly which is a more costly and harder to observe practice. We argue that veiling is higher in AKP provinces not only because of a generic aim to conform to the stricter mores fostered by the victorious party. We find that those who veil, particularly those in AKP provinces who are not pious, are more politically active than those who do not veil. This may be an indication that veiling could partly be a strategic response to policies, which favour those who are or appear pious. Our study suggests that observable religious practices may have their independent dynamics driven by the pursuit of instrumental goals. Our results also suggest that parties with a religious ideology have an advantage over their secular counterparts in solving the clientelistic information problem, for they can rely on religious symbols for screening and signalling.

scholarly journals The Politics behind the Veil

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ozan Aksoy ◽  
Diego Gambetta
Keyword(s):  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Strategic Response ◽  
Religious Symbols ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Information Problem ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Politically Active

Abstract Using a natural experiment, we find that in provinces where Turkey’s Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) just won the election in 2004, women, including those who are weakly religious or non-religious, now veil far more than in provinces in which AKP just lost, the more so the poorer they are. This effect, as we predict, does not occur for praying regularly which is more costly and harder to observe practice. We argue that veiling is higher in AKP provinces not only because of a generic aim to conform to the stricter mores fostered by the victorious party. We find that those who veil, particularly those in AKP provinces who are not pious, are more politically active than those who do not veil. This may be an indication that veiling could partly be a strategic response to policies, which favour those who are or appear pious. Our study suggests that observable religious practices may have their independent dynamics driven by the pursuit of instrumental goals. Our results also suggest that parties with a religious ideology have an advantage over their secular counterparts in solving the clientelistic information problem, for they can rely on religious symbols for screening and signalling.

Identifying the Catalysts for Systematic Deprivation of Hindu Women’s Right to Property: An Appraisal from the Political Contours of Bangladesh

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-222
Author(s):  
Mollah Al-Ifran Hossain
Keyword(s):  
Present Status ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Hindu Community ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Legislative Measures

Abstract Hindu women’s limited right to inheritance in Bangladesh is a story of state-sponsored deprivation; a frustrating legacy of the political authority’s systematic indifference and failure in protecting minority women’s right to property for nearly half a century. Bangladesh, from its early decades, has experienced the resurgence of religion as one of the driving factors behind gender and minority-sensitive policy formulation and implementation. Under the veil of constitutional secularism, religion has become one of the most pervasive tools in the hands of the political authorities for methodical marginalisation of religious minority groups especially of Hindu community. Consequently, Bangladesh has failed to move forward with appropriate legislative measures for improving the present status of Hindu women’s right to property. This article argues that the underlying reasons behind such failure is intrinsically intertwined with power-centric electoral politics rather than normative socio-religious practices.

Banning the Burka? An Ethical Appraisal

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-103
Author(s):  
Jakobus (Koos) M. Vorster
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Cultural Symbols ◽  
Religious Symbols ◽  
Islamic Tradition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Recent Action

AbstractThis ethical research paper was prompted by the French government’s recent action to ban the wearing of the burka by women of Islamic religious persuasion with legislature because the government regards the burka as a symbol of the inferiority of women in Muslim communities. According to president Sarkozy this symbol infringes on the fundamental human rights of women, and such a view of women should be renounced in the French Republic. Firstly, the article investigates the history and the meaning of wearing the burka and the veil. This investigation reveals that these symbols were cultural symbols that have no real bearing on gender inequality yet have become powerful religious symbols due to rising fundamentalism in the Islamic tradition Next, the article discusses the content and implications of two models of religious freedom: the active neutral model and the active plural model. Finally—with the active plural model as an angle of approach, and in view of the constitutional values of equality, freedom and the fundamental human rights of freedom of expression and freedom of religion—the investigation concludes that legislation against the wearing of these religious symbols violates the rights of Muslim women to wear the burka.

scholarly journals IDEOLOGI DAN PRAKTIK KEAGAMAAN MAHASISWI BERCADAR DI PTKI SE-KOTA METRO

2018 ◽  
pp. 335
Author(s):  
Masrurotul Mahmudah ◽  
Ambariyani Ambariyani ◽  
Binti Khoiriyah ◽  
Muhamad Agus Mushodiq
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
Important Research ◽  
Qualitative Research Method ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Religious Dimension ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Compulsory Subject ◽  
Data Networking

This research aims to uncover the identity of the ideology and practices of the religious Sorority PTKI Se-Metro City about hijab. This important research is done because of the assumption that the use of certain types of hijab is the symbol of extremism and radicalism. First, the existence of the facts users Hijab and veil that are involved in terrorism. In this study, the researchers used a qualitative research method. Data networking is done by the method of conversing and listening. Researchers conduct interviews and record the results of the interviews in the form of sound or video. As for the theory used in exposing the identity of the ideology and practice of religious students about the veil is a religious dimension to the Glock and Stark. As for the findings from this research are (1) the use of the veil distributed by the ideology of syncretism that fall into the category of space in between. But the identity of the space in between is so potentially could be changed, both moved on to understand the extreme about hijab and veil or more moderate in understanding that the veil is not a compulsory subject. (2 user veil that has extreme religious ideology of familiar and has been crystallized. Students who have learned not to mention could have contested the pattern she thought. But in their religious practice has three types of practices, syncretism, moderate and extreme in understanding hijab.

scholarly journals Longer religious fasting increases support for Islamist parties: Evidence from Ramadan

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ozan Aksoy ◽  
Diego Gambetta
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Religious Organizations ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Fasting Time ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Sacrifice ◽  
Religious Fasting

Much scientific research shows that the sacrifices imposed by religious practices are positively associated with the success of religious organizations. We present the first evidence that this association is causal. We employ a natural experiment that rests on a peculiar time-shifting feature of Ramadan that makes the length of fasting time vary from year-to-year and by latitude. We find that an hour increase in fasting during the median Ramadan day increases the vote shares of Islamist political parties by about 6.5 percentage-points in Turkey’s parliamentary elections between 1973 and 2018. This effect is weaker in provinces where the proportion of non-orthodox Muslims is higher, but stronger in provinces where the number of per capita mosques and of religious personnel is higher. Further analyses suggest that the main mechanism underlying our findings is an increased commitment to religion induced by costlier practice. By showing that the success of religious organizations is causally related to the sacrifice demanded by religious practices, these results strengthen a key finding of the science of religion.

Barquinha

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 350-362
Author(s):  
Wladimyr Sena Araújo
Keyword(s):  
Dynamic Process ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Religious Symbols ◽  
Afro Brazilian

The purpose of the article is to introduce the symbolic repertoire of the Centro Espírita e Culto de Oração—‘Casa de Jesus, Fonte de Luz’, popularly known as the Barquinha. The Barquinha was created in 1945 in Rio Branco (Acre) by Daniel Pereira de Mattos, a native of Maranhão. The ritual ceremonies, which include the consumption of Daime, imply a relation of European, Afro- Brazilian, and indigenous religious practices and philosophies. The concept of cosmology in construction is used to understand the constant and dynamic process of creation and resignification of religious symbols of this group unto itself.

Gazing into the World of Tattoos: An Invitation to Reconsider how we Conceptualize Religious Practices

2020 ◽  
pp. 000842982092698
Author(s):  
Amélie Barras ◽  
Anne Saris
Keyword(s):  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Lived Religion ◽  
Scholarly Literature ◽  
Religious Symbols ◽  
The World ◽  
Saba Mahmood

Debates around the visibility of religious symbols – including whether and how to regulate them—have been quite vivid in recent years in Canada, and particularly in the province of Quebec. These discussions often focus on minority religious symbols and are based on the premise that symbols can be removed or modified. In fact, Saba Mahmood (2006, 2009) argues that using the term “symbol” precludes de-facto our ability to entertain the possibility that these symbols cannot be removed or modified. Drawing on 15 interviews with religiously tattooed individuals and tattoo artists in Montreal and Toronto, this article explores the practice of religious tattooing. Interestingly, this practice has been overlooked in debates on the regulation of religious symbols, as well as in the scholarly literature covering those debates. In this article, we are interested in thinking about why this is. We also argue that looking at the practice of religious tattooing helps give further credence to Mahmood’s criticism. It broadens our understanding of religious practices, including alerting us to the importance of the idea of ‘lived religion’ in comprehending how these practices can be an essential part of who someone is. While religious tattoos have largely escaped legal regulation, we conclude with a discussion of how they nonetheless remain the object of a regulatory gaze.

Denial and Pragmatism: Islam and the Danish State

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 133-161
Author(s):  
Kasper Ly Netterstrøm
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
Pragmatic Approach ◽  
Halal Food ◽  
The Veil ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract From halal food to the veil, this article analyses the relationship between Islam and the Danish state. It finds a coexistence of two modes of dealing with Islam: an official approach dominated by denial of the existence of Islam within Danish society and an unwillingness to recognise Muslim religious practices; and a pragmatic approach, mostly found at the local level, that focuses on finding practical solutions. This article argues that the official resistance to recognising Islam makes it comparatively harder for the Danish state to influence the country’s Muslim religious sphere.

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