scholarly journals BOOK REVIEW: MATINYA EPIDEMIOLOG: EKSPANSI MODAL DAN ASAL-USUL COVID-19 (DEAD OF EPIDEMIOLOGY: CAPITAL EXPANSION AND ORIGIN OF COVID-19)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Febianti Nurul Adha ◽  
Moses Glorino Rumambo Pandin
Keyword(s):  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Global Studies ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
The Status ◽  
Many Sources ◽  
The University

The book entitled "The Death of Epidemiologists: Capital Expansion and the Origin of Covid19" has a total of 258 pages with very dense content and many sources of writing. This book waswritten by Rob Wallace in 2020, then translated by A. Faricha Mantika, and published by IndependentPublishers the following year. Rob Wallace is an evolutionary biologist and public healthphylogeography currently working as a researcher at the Institute for Global Studies at the University ofMinnesota. Rob Wallace is also the author of Big Farms Make Big Flu, Dead Epidemiologist, and thesoon-to-be-published Revolution Space, all three published by the Monthly Review Press. Based on thetable of contents, the book contains 12 chapters, two of which are chapters 1 and 4 containinginterviews conducted by Rob Wallace. The purpose of writing the book is an attempt by the author to answer the main question,namely, how did the origin of covid-19? Furthermore, the writing of this book also aims to describehow the economic system causes the death of epidemiologists. Why is the denial and justification of thevirus their way of the ruling class to exist? And why is it impossible for the ruling class to play a role instopping this radical change and the virus? Therefore, the purpose of writing the book is to explain howthe origin of the covid-19 virus and how epidemiologists submit and die by the expansion of capitalbelonging to the ruling class, as well as explain the political tools of "justification and denial" by theruling class to maintain the status quo.

scholarly journals Bodily abjection and the politics of resistance in Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Open Channel ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Status ◽  
Politics Of Resistance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.

Mario Domenichelli’s Lugemalé: Heart of Darknesss revisited in Post-colonial Italy

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-188
Author(s):  
Franco Manai
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
Capitalist Society ◽  
Colonial Power ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Cooperative Development ◽  
The Status ◽  
The University

AbstractMario Domenichelli’s novel Lugemalé is set in the late 1980s and early 2000s, between Rome and Somalia. The book follows the narrator,Valerio, as he reads, in the early 2000s in Rome, the typescript of a novel written by a friend, Tomas, before his mysterious death in Mogadishu. Tomas’ novel describes the events which took place in 1989 at the end of the Siad Barre regime, when Italy was still committed to fulfilling its responsibilities as an ex-colonial power, through major projects of cooperative development. Both Valerio and Tomas were employed by the Italian government’s Development Cooperation Agency as lecturers at the University of Mogadishu. In his narration, Tomas merges his own experiences with Valerio’s, through the main characters of Gigi and Marco. In a complex play of mirrors (a novel within a novel, a reading of a tale within the tale of a reading) that reveals the ambiguities and contradictions of both characters, Lugemalé is merciless in its judgment of the generation of Europeans who became the ruling class of the 1980s. Such a post-colonial adventure offers a powerfully alienating perspective for the representation, post res perditas, of the vanishing of that class’s commitment to changing the status quo and breaking with a capitalist society based on the most depraved and egoistic consumerism.

scholarly journals Narrating technonatures: discourses of biotechnology in a neoliberal era

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Myles Carroll
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Strategy ◽  
Economic Implications ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Economic

This article considers the role played by discourses of nature in structuring the cultural politics of anti-GMO activism. It argues that such discourses have been successful rhetorical tools for activists because they mobilize widely resonant nature-culture dualisms that separate the natural and human worlds. However, these discourses hold dubious political implications. In valorizing the natural as a source of essential truth, natural purity discourses fail to challenge how naturalizations have been used to legitimize sexist, racist and colonial systems of injustice and oppression. Rather, they revitalize the discursive purchase of appeals to nature as a justification for the status quo, indirectly reinforcing existing power relations. Moreover, these discourses fail to challenge the critical though contingent reality of GMOs' location within the wider framework of neoliberal social relations. Fortunately, appeals to natural purity have not been the only effective strategy for opposing GMOs. Activist campaigns that directly target the political economic implications of GMOs within the context of neoliberalism have also had successes without resorting to appeals to the purity of nature. The successes of these campaigns suggest that while nature-culture dualisms remain politically effective normative groundings, concerns over equity, farmers' rights, and democracy retain potential as ideological terrains in the struggle for social justice.

scholarly journals Gestation, equality and freedom: ectogenesis as a political perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Cavaliere
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Positive Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small Subset ◽  
Human Fetuses ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
Women's Equality ◽  
The Status ◽  
Limited Scope

The benefits of full ectogenesis, that is, the gestation of human fetuses outside the maternal womb, for women ground many contemporary authors’ arguments on the ethical desirability of this practice. In this paper, I present and assess two sets of arguments advanced in favour of ectogenesis: arguments stressing ectogenesis’ equality-promoting potential and arguments stressing its freedom-promoting potential. I argue that although successfully grounding a positive case for ectogenesis, these arguments have limitations in terms of their reach and scope. Concerning their limited reach, I contend that ectogenesis will likely benefit a small subset of women and, arguably, not the group who most need to achieve equality and freedom. Concerning their limited scope, I contend that these defences do not pay sufficient attention to the context in which ectogenesis would be developed and that, as a result, they risk leaving the status quo unchanged. After providing examples of these limitations, I move to my proposal concerning the role of ectogenesis in promoting women’s equality and freedom. This proposal builds on Silvia Federici’s, Mariarosa Dalla Costa’s and Selma James’ readings of the international feminist campaign ‘Wages for Housework’. It maintains that the political perspective and provocation that ectogenesis can advance should be considered and defended.

scholarly journals The Nineties: Establishment of Polity

2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-71
Author(s):  
S. I. Kaspe
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Stable Set ◽  
The Political ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
The Status ◽  
Territorial Organization

In the 1990s, after the collapse of the USSR, was established the Russian polity, which continues to exist to this day. In this paper polity is understood as a macro-social community, united by a certain political order i.e., by a stable set of institutions and actors, as well as normative standards for organizing their interactions, both formal and informal. Establishment is understood as a series of events that establish these most fundamental frameworks for political action, as well as a repertoire of its scenarios, behavioral stereotypes, strategies, and tactics. The negative myth about the nineties, which has dominated the Russian public discourse in the recent years, describes the 1990s as a time of catastrophe and degradation. It certainly has its reasons, but this myth almost completely ignores the fact that the same decade was also a time of creation. Thus, the current state of Russia cannot be understood without paying attention to the circumstances of its establishment. The article describes some of the key features of the modern Russian polity that emerged in the 1990s — the “main takeaway” of the constituent era. They are the following: the electoral legitimacy of the supreme political power; non-partisan presidency; capitalism as the economic foundation of the political order; federalism as a principle of territorial organization of political space; freedom of association; freedom of religion; open borders. This list is not exhaustive: there are other elements of the design of the Russian polity that can claim the status of constitutive ones. However, a radical change in all these institutions together or in any one of them individually would mean another re-establishment of the political community as a whole.

scholarly journals Book Review: Literature and Politics Today: The Political Nature of Modern Fiction and Drama

2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Shannon Pritting
Keyword(s):  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Review Literature ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Of Arkansas ◽  
Politics And Literature ◽  
Literature And Politics ◽  
Modern Fiction ◽  
The University

The editor, M. Keith Booker, Professor of English at the University of Arkansas, has served as editor on many reference works in literature as well as many books on genres and literary movements, specific authors, and other critical works. Booker also edited the last reference work dedicated to literature and politics, Encyclopedia of Literature and Politics: Censorship, Evolution, and Writing, a three-volume set published in 2005 by Greenwood, which is surprisingly the only current reference work dedicated solely to examining the connection between literature and politics. There are many recent book-length critical works on literature and politics, but these monographs typically focus on a genre or other refined topic such as a literary movement or single author. The compact single-volume Literature and Politics Today is a welcome addition to reference work in literature and politics. Certainly, other reference works in literary criticism cover some of the topics related to the intersection of politics and literature, but do not have the political focus of Literature and Politics Today.

The Armenian duduk resounds in Artsakh

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Milka Marie-Madeleine Malfait
Keyword(s):  
International Community ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mountainous Region ◽  
The Third ◽  
External Threats ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
Descriptive Method

Throughout its history, Artsakh had to guard against the external threats of Neo-Ottomanism. At the present time it is especially relevant. September 27, 2020 marks escalation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh – which means Artsakh in Armenian. This led to six weeks of cease fire, humanitarian disaster, which killed many people and destroyed cultural and religious heritage of Artsakh. The mountainous region is surrounded by Azerbaijani land, although populated by Armenians. Due to the political novelty of this issue, the author employed analytical and descriptive method. The acquired results demonstrate that the history repeats itself in Neo-Ottomanism, which has been a threat to Artsakh and Armenia since its emergence until the present day. In recent years, the concept of reunification with Armenia, as well as the independence of Artsakh, outlined the prospects for the future. The third solution to the conflict became the ceasefire agreement of 9 November 2020, nobly negotiated by Russia to save Armenia from military collapse. However, this solution is more painful than the status-quo. The main conclusion consists in the statement that the international community should be more vigilant and prevent the expansion of such threats.

What Changes for the Constitutional Court with the New Russian Constitution?

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Grigoriev
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Locus Standi ◽  
The Status ◽  
Russian Constitution ◽  
International Obligations

Abstract Of the 206 amendments introduced to the Russian constitution and adopted on July 1, 2020, 24 deal directly with the Constitutional Court, its organization, functioning, and the role it plays in the political system. Compared to many other, these are also rather precise and detailed, ranging from the number of judges on the bench, their nomination and dismissal, to the Court’s inner procedures, new locus standi limitations, and the primacy of the Constitution over Russia’s international obligations. Most changes only reproduce amendments brought to the secondary legislation over the last twenty years, and are therefore meant to preserve the status quo rather than change anything significantly. At the same time, a number of amendments aim at politicizing and instrumentalizing the Court for the president’s benefit, marking a significant departure from the previous institutional development.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document