scholarly journals The Nineties: Establishment of Polity

Author(s):  
S. I. Kaspe

In the 1990s, after the collapse of the USSR, was established the Russian polity, which continues to exist to this day. In this paper polity is understood as a macro-social community, united by a certain political order i.e., by a stable set of institutions and actors, as well as normative standards for organizing their interactions, both formal and informal. Establishment is understood as a series of events that establish these most fundamental frameworks for political action, as well as a repertoire of its scenarios, behavioral stereotypes, strategies, and tactics. The negative myth about the nineties, which has dominated the Russian public discourse in the recent years, describes the 1990s as a time of catastrophe and degradation. It certainly has its reasons, but this myth almost completely ignores the fact that the same decade was also a time of creation. Thus, the current state of Russia cannot be understood without paying attention to the circumstances of its establishment. The article describes some of the key features of the modern Russian polity that emerged in the 1990s — the “main takeaway” of the constituent era. They are the following: the electoral legitimacy of the supreme political power; non-partisan presidency; capitalism as the economic foundation of the political order; federalism as a principle of territorial organization of political space; freedom of association; freedom of religion; open borders. This list is not exhaustive: there are other elements of the design of the Russian polity that can claim the status of constitutive ones. However, a radical change in all these institutions together or in any one of them individually would mean another re-establishment of the political community as a whole.

Author(s):  
András Jakab

Las instituciones se elaboran como la interacción, de los siguientes tres componentes: reglas formales, practicas reales y narrativas (los dos últimos, las prácticas y las narrativas, se configuran conjuntamente como los «elementos informales»). Sin embargo, los juristas en los estados postsocialistas no ven la ley a través de la lente institucional, y a menudo alimentan una idea falsa y simplista de la ley: en tanto que la consideran como la suma de reglas, normalmente disociadas de su práctica real, de las normas y de las narrativas adjuntas (acompasando todo desde la razón de ser y la finalidad de la institución, su simbolismo, el discurso público que las rodea y las actitudes sociales respecto de la institución). Esta visión restrictiva hace a los juristas húngaros ciegos y en ciertas situaciones los deja indefensos ante las actuales tendencias totalitarias. El fortalecimiento institucional ha alcanzado un logro moderado en Hungría. Por decirlo de forma más pesimista, ha fallado parcialmente desde el fin del socialismo, particularmente en relación con las actuales prácticas y narrativas. En el contexto húngaro, las consideraciones sobre los problemas del fortalecimiento institucional sugieren dos conclusiones generales: de una parte, la falta de coherencia entre los elementos individuales (normas, prácticas y narrativas) conduce a unas instituciones menos estables y consecuentemente menos capaces de inducir a la observancia del Derecho; de otra parte, las instituciones que se han establecido han fallado en la tarea de brindar prosperidad a la comunidad política. Este trabajo describe la elaboración de la Constitución del 2010/2011 desde la perspectiva del fortalecimiento institucional. Esta aproximación institucionalista de carácter general ofrece dos conclusiones: (1) La experiencia histórica muestra que, más allá de una honesta determinación, una reforma institucional radical de todo el sistema jurídico legal solo puede tener éxito si existe presión internacional que, lamentablemente en este caso, ha disminuido desde la entrada Hungría en la Unión Europea. Esto es, el fortalecimiento institucional debe ir de la mano de las obligaciones tanto de la Unión Europea como internacionales, que han sido adoptadas en los momentos políticos más solemnes, a fin de garantizar que la comunidad política no pueda entrar posteriormente en un modo autodestructivo. (2) Es preciso tener en cuenta y de forma consciente aquellos elementos que están más allá de las reglas formales —como son las prácticas reales y las narrativas— tanto en el ámbito de la legislación, como en de la aplicación del Derecho o en el de la formación jurídica, ello dará como resultado un fortalecimiento paulatino de los elementos culturales sustantivos necesarios para el Estado de Derecho y la democracia. Esto requiere, sin embargo, de una acción política, más concretamente del ajuste de las reglas formales. En tanto que esto no forme parte del interés de los legisladores a quienes esta tarea incumbe, será poco probable superar el punto muerto en que nos encontramos.Institutions are made up of the interplay of three components: (1) formal rules, (2) actual practices and (3) narratives (the two latter ones are referred to jointly as informal institutional elements). However, lawyers in post-socialist countries do not see law through institutionalist lenses, but often nurture a false and simplistic idea of the law: they consider it to be the sum of rules, often disregarding the actual practices of the rules’ addressees and narratives attached to the law (encompassing everything from the raison d’etre and goal of the institution, its symbolism, the public discourse surrounding it, and social attitudes towards the institution). This restricted view makes Hungarian lawyers blind and to a certain extent also defenceless against recent authoritarian tendencies. Institution-building has been a moderately successful feat in Hungary. To put it more pessimistically, it has partially failed since the end of socialism, in particular when it comes to actual practices and narratives. In the Hungarian context, consideration of the problems of institution- building suggests two general conclusions: on the one hand, the lack of unison among the individual elements (rules, practices, narratives) renders institutions less stable and consequently less capable of inducing compliance with the law; on the other, the institutions that have been established have failed to deliver prosperityto the political community. This paper describes the constitution-making of 2010/11 from the perspective of institution-building. This institutionalist view of the law yields two main specific findings: (1) Historical experience shows that besides honest determination, the radical institutional overhaul of a complete legal system can only be successful in the presence of external pressure, the effect of which has unfortunately decreased with Hungary’s accession to the EU. That is, institution-building should go hand-in-hand with effective international and EU obligations undertaken in more sober political moments to guarantee that the political community will not later enter into a self-destructive mode. (2) Taking elements beyond mere rules more consciously into account, such as actual practices and narratives in the realm of legislation, the application of the law and legal training would ideally result in the gradual reinforcement of substantive cultural elements. This, however, requires political action, more precisely the adjustment of formal rules. Since this is not in the interest of the incumbent decision-makers, overcoming the impasse seems unlikely for the time being.


Author(s):  
András Jakab

Abstract Institutions are made up of the interplay of three components: (i) formal rules, (ii) actual practices, and (iii) narratives (the last two are referred to jointly as informal institutional elements). However, lawyers in post-socialist countries do not see law through institutionalist lenses, but often nurture a false and simplistic idea of the law: they consider it to be the sum of rules, often disregarding the actual practices of the rules’ addressees and the narratives attached to the law (encompassing everything from the raison d’être and goal of the institution, its symbolism, the public discourse surrounding it, to social attitudes toward the institution). This restricted view makes Hungarian lawyers blind and to a certain extent also defenceless against recent authoritarian tendencies. Institution building has been a moderately successful feat in Hungary. To put it more pessimistically, it has partially failed since the end of socialism, in particular when it comes to actual practices and narratives. In the Hungarian context, consideration of the problems of institution building suggests two general conclusions: on the one hand, the lack of unison among the individual elements (rules, practices, narratives) renders institutions less stable and consequently less capable of inducing compliance with the law; on the other, the institutions that have been established have failed to deliver prosperity to the political community. This Article describes the constitution making of 2010–2011 from the perspective of institution building. This institutionalist view of the law yields two main specific findings: First, historical experience shows that in addition to honest determination, a swift, radical institutional overhaul of a complete legal system can only be sustainable in the presence of an external pressure, the effect of which has unfortunately decreased with Hungary’s accession to the European Union. That is, institution building should go hand in hand with effective international and EU obligations undertaken in more sober political moments to guarantee that the political community will not later enter into a self-destructive mode. Second, if they took more consciously into account elements beyond mere rules, such as actual practices and narratives in the realm of legislation, the application of the law and legal training would ideally result in the gradual reinforcement of substantive cultural elements. This, however, requires political action, more precisely the adjustment of formal rules. Since this is not in the interest of the incumbent decision makers, overcoming the impasse seems unlikely for the time being.


Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.


Refuge ◽  
1998 ◽  
pp. 30-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Dillon

The refugee is a scandal for philosophy in that the refugee recalls the radical instability of meaning and the incalculability of the human. The refugee is a scandal for politics also, however, in that the advent of the refugee is always a reproach to the formation of the political order subjectivity which necessarily gives rise to the refugee. The scandal is intensified for any politics of identity which presupposes that the goal of politics is the realization of sovereign identity. The principal argument, then, is that what I will call the scandal of the refugee illuminates both the fundamental ontological determinations of international politics and the character of political action, because the refugee is both a function of the intentional political destruction of the ontological horizons of people's always already heterogeneous worlds, and effects an equally fundamental deconstruction of the ontological horizons which constitute the equally heterogeneous worlds into which, as refugees, these people are precipitated. It is precisely on this concrete and corporeal site that both the ontological horizons and the allied political decision-making of modern politics are thrown into stark relief and profoundly called into question. For it is precisely here that the very actions of modern politics both create and address the incidence of its own massive and self-generated, political abjection. If that is one of the principal ends of international relations, one is forced to ask, what does it take as its beginning? If, in other words, the vernacular political architecture of modern international power commonly produces 1:115 forcibly displaced people globally, one is inclined to ask about the foundations upon which that architecture is itself based.


Author(s):  
Pierre Rosanvallon

This chapter examines conceptions of impartiality and looks at how impartiality itself is approached in a political context. In doing so the chapter asks if the shift from positive to negative generality reflects a decline in the democratic–republican ideal and a greater role for law. From here, the chapter turns to the idea of a democratic impartiality—an active impartiality whose intervention helps to build a political community. Impartiality has established itself in the political order as the vector of aspirations to construct a more deliberative and transparent public space. It is also a key to understanding new ways of thinking about the social.


2019 ◽  
pp. 95-120
Author(s):  
Susan Marks

The rights of man ‘arrived’ in England, in the sense of beginning to circulate in public discourse and becoming a topic on which people staked out positions, during the final decade of the eighteenth century. The context was debate over the significance of the French Revolution for England (the ‘Revolution controversy’). This chapter initiates discussion of the contested meaning of the rights of man in that debate, examining contributions by Richard Price, Edmund Burke, Mary Wollstonecraft and Thomas Paine. A vision of the rights of man emerges as the rights of the living to control the political community of which those latter are a part.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-166
Author(s):  
Waikeung Tam

Political blogs have played an increasingly more important role in Hong Kong politics. However, research on this topic remains scarce. This analysis examines how political bloggers in Hong Kong used their blogs to participate in politics through a detailed content analysis of 960 political blog articles published on two major news websites – House News Bloggers and Speak Out HK – during the 2014 Umbrella Movement. This study found that “soapbox” stood out as the most popular function hereof, as political bloggers on both ends of the political spectrum actively used their blogs to influence the legitimacy of the Umbrella Movement in the public discourse. A substantial number of blog articles from House News Bloggers also included the functions of “transmission belt,” “informing readers,” and “mobilising political action.” Finally, only a small proportion of the articles from House News Bloggers and Speak Out HK included the function of “conversation starter.”


Slavic Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 762-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Loukianov

The article analyzes the relationship of conservatives to the political order that arose after the 1905 revolution. It suggests that by the start of World War I, a dissatisfaction with the status quo had become a characteristic feature of Russian conservatism. The archaic formula “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” was the quintessential conservative discourse, both for nationalist supporters of conservative reforms and for opponents of any innovation such as Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People. But this formula existed in sharp contradiction to the realities of “renewed Russia.” Conservatives continually underscored the lack of correspondence between reality and their conservative dogma. In conservative circles, the growth of social tensions on the eve of the war was also understood as evidence of the inadequacy of the new political order. Because of this, Russian conservatives did not aspire to preserve the Third of June system and did not try to restore it after February 1917.


1990 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 524-552
Author(s):  
Fred Dallmayr

Recent literature on Heidegger concentrates heavily on his (temporary) involvement in or collusion with Nazi ideology and policies. Without belittling the gravity of the issue, this article shifts the focus somewhat by invoking a distinction which recently has emerged (or reemerged) in political thought: namely, the distinction between “politics” and “the political” or between politics viewed as partisan ideology or policy making, on the one hand, and politics seen as regime or paradigmatic framework, on the other. The main thesis of the article is that Heidegger's promising contributions to political theory are located on the level of ontology or paradigmatic framework rather than that of ideological partisanship. While not neglecting the dismal intrusions of the latter plane, the article probes Heideggerian cues for a “rethinking of the political” by placing the accent on four topical areas: first, the status of the subject or individual as political agent; second, the character of the political community, that is, of the polity or (in modern terms) the “state”; thirdly, the issue of cultural and political development or modernization; and finally, the problem of an emerging cosmopolis or world order beyond the confines of Western culture. In discussing these topics, an effort is made to disentangle Heidegger from possible misinterpretations and to indicate how, in each area, his thought pointed in the direction of an “overcoming” of Western political metaphysics.


Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492098540
Author(s):  
Emilia H Lopera-Pareja ◽  
Lorena Cano-Orón

The media are a key element in being able to assess how the climate of public opinion regarding Complementary and Alternative Medicines (CAM) has evolved over the years. The aim of this study is to explore the variation of the media representations along 40 years (1979–2018) in Spanish newspapers to assess if the press has contributed to legitimise, delegitimise or maintain the status quo of these therapies. From quantitative and qualitative approaches, we evaluate the media attention, the narratives, linguistic terms and tone used, and the relations between them. Results indicate the media reporting on CAM has remained relatively stable during the first 37 years (1979–2015) of the study, but in the last 3 years a radical change has been observed in media attention, tone, language and arguments used. Media representations of this issue evolves from a period of low media attention (1979–2015), in which CAM was legitimised, to another period of high media attention (2016–2018), in which CAM was delegitimised.


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