scholarly journals Relevance of German Political Foundations for Comparative Educational Research

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Christel Adick ◽  
Maria Giesemann
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Educational Research ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Educational Goals ◽  
World War ◽  
International Audience ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
Second World

German political foundations, mainly Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS), have a long tradition of political activism in Germany as well as internationally.  Founded after the Second World War, their mission was and is the promotion of democracy and civic education.  Likewise, they pursue these educational goals abroad, where they have been active for over 50 years.  But despite many years of experience in the field of political education across borders, the foundations have hardly been noticed in educational research.  Therefore, an international audience shall be made aware of the unique characteristics of the German party related political foundations as actors in the world.  This article will address the international dimensions of these organizations: how they operate across borders and what they offer in their educational dimensions.  This will show their close entanglement with the official German foreign policy and with the political parties to which they are affiliated in Germany.

Meglio di ieri

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-90
Author(s):  
Anne Bruch
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Public Information ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Italian Government ◽  
National Memory ◽  
Educational Films ◽  
Second World

This article examines a series of educational films and documentaries produced between 1948 and 1968 that document the activities of the Italian state. These films, which record the dedicated and arduous work of the Italian government and administration, had two functions. First, they informed students and the general public about the democratic structures, institutions and aims of the new republic, promoting a fresh and convincing vision of national identity. Second, they served to obscure and rewrite the collective national memory of Fascism and Italian involvement in the Second World War. These films thus reveal the fine line between public information, political propaganda, and civic education.

The Christian Democracy of A. D. Lindsay

1986 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Maddox
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Theory ◽  
State Power ◽  
Religious Faith ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Voluntary Association ◽  
World War ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Second World

Much of value in the conception of a democratic state, evident in the work of several English and American scholars writing around the time of the Second World War, but most forcefully presented by A. D. Lindsay, has been overlooked by contemporary scholarship. Lindsay combined a ‘realist’ acceptance of state power with a finely-tuned appreciation of the possibilities of citizenship. His distinctive contributions to democratic theory, focusing on discussion, state power, the sovereignty of the constitution, voluntary association and the creativity of democracy, are well worth re-examination, even if in the end for Lindsay political activism was merely a necessary adjunct to religious faith.

scholarly journals Inwektywy czasów II wojny światowej. Językowe środki obrażania przeciwnika/wroga politycznego w prasie konspiracyjnej lat 1939–1945

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 39-84
Author(s):  
Marcin Poprawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
World War ◽  
Underground Press ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Second World ◽  
Linguistic Means

Invectives of the Second World War period. Linguistic means of insulting political opponents/enemies in the underground press of 1939–1945The author of the article examines strategies used to belittle political opponents in the underground press published in Poland in 1939–1945. It turns out that the language of political propaganda in the period had many communication strategies employed in the fight against political rivals, often regarded as enemies. The author presents examples of how political invectives were used in a very important period of power struggle among political parties operating in the underground.

La crise du système politique italien par des observateurs socio-politiques nationaux

Res Publica ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Domenico Rossetti Di Valdalbero
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Italian Politics ◽  
Second World

In the last five years, the Italian political system registered its most important crisis. All parties, existing since the second world war, disappeared or were greatly transformed.  The main purpose of this article is to analyse the deepest causes of the first Italian republic's collapse, following some specific interpretations of ltalian political observers.L. Ricolfi bases his theory on the emergence of "Lega" and the return of laïque culture in Italy. The old christian democratic and communist parties will suffer the most from these changes.A. Sofri emphasizes the identity of northern regionalism between the "Lega" and the "Pool of Milan" ('Clean hands operation"). A real opposition emerges between the judges of Milan and the politicians of Rome.S. Romano and M.L. Salvadori prefer the historical approach: for them, the events of1990-1994 are very similar to what happened in 1922-1926and in 1943-1945. The absence of a pacific alternative and the "ideological war" among political forces produce the effect that every change in Italian politics implies an end of regime.L. Ornaghi and V.B. Parsi deal with the "values" of citizens which, very often, do not correspond to the values of old politicians. For them, a democracy for the political parties -as structured in the last 45 years- must give priority to a democracy for the citizens.

België en de Europese integratie, 1945-1955 : Een overzicht van de onuitgegeven bronnen

Res Publica ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-169
Author(s):  
Mark Van Den Wijngaert ◽  
E. Lamberts ◽  
P. Van De Meerssche
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Study Centre ◽  
History Of ◽  
Second World

The article gives a review of inedited sources dealing with the Belgian contribution to European integration in the years 1945-1955. Such sources are kept in the Algemeen Rijksarchief (the Belgian Central Archives), in the Parliament, various ministerial departments, the Navorsings- en Studiecentrum voor de Geschiedenis van de Tweede Wereldoorlog (the Research- and Study Centre for the History of the Second World war), study centres of the major political parties, a number of non-governmental organizations as well as the private archives of a number of politicians.

British defence policy: the breakdown of inter-party consensus

1987 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Jones
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The One ◽  
First Time ◽  
Second World

In 1983, for almost the first time since the end of the Second World War, defence became a major party political issue at a general election. In that year it was one of the major campaign issues between the political parties and, according to one poll, ranked second only to unemployment as an issue influencing voter behaviour. Indeed, poll evidence indicated that the Conservatives held an unprecedented and overwhelming 54 per cent lead over Labour on the question of British retention of nuclear arms. Furthermore, of those who thought of defecting from the Labour Party, 42 per cent gave defence as the main reason. Such figures as these suggest strongly that by 1983 the inter-party consensus which had governed defence issues since 1945 had broken down, particularly in view of the fact that the question of defence had not been raised as an issue affecting voting intentions in the 1979 election. The breakdown of consensus may thus be judged by the emergence of defence as a party political issue. It might even be said that in 1983 it was an electiondeciding issue, especially when one set of policies could be represented by opponents as being contrary to the continuation of British membership of NATO, the one issue on which all parties were agreed. Defence thus moved from being a peripheral issue to one at the centre stage of the election campaign and it had a major impact on the outcome of the election. However, the.demise of inter-party consensus was not reflected in the electorate as a whole, which chose to continue to support the tried, and trusted policies of the past rather than adopt the radical alternative presented by the Labour Party, If a new consensus is to emerge—and it is beyond the limits of this particular paper to consider whether a consensus in defence policy is desirable—then all parties will have to review their present policies. However, before turning to the reasons for the breakdown, it is instructive to consider the nature of the post-1945 consensus and the origins of its apparent demise.

A Landscape Theory of Aggregation

1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Axelrod ◽  
D. Scott Bennett
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Operating Systems ◽  
Energy Landscape ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Landscape Theory ◽  
Compatible Elements ◽  
Second World

Aggregation means the organization of elements of a system into patterns that tend to put highly compatible elements together and less compatible elements apart. Landscape theory Predicts how aggregation will lead to alignments among actors (such as nations), whose leaders are myopic in their assessments and incremental in their actions. The predicted configurations are based upon the attempts of actors to minimize their frustration based upon their pairwise Propensities to align with some actors and oppose others. These attempts lead to a local minimum in the energy landscape of the entire system. The theory is supported by the results of two cases: the alignment of seventeen European nations in the Second World War and membership in competing alliances of nine computer companies to set standards for Unix computer operating systems. The theory has potential for application to coalitions of political Parties in parliaments, social networks, social cleavages in democracies and organizational structures.

scholarly journals John Dewey in Italia. L’operazione de La Nuova Italia Editrice: tra traduzione, interpretazione e diffusione

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Franco Cambi
Keyword(s):  
Publishing House ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Educational Theorist ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The City ◽  
Second World

The essay reconstructs the various phases of the discovery of John Dewey’s ideas on Education and the spread of their influence throughout Italian pedagogical circles from the end of the Second World War to the 1970s. Several Italian intellectual pioneers discerned within Dewey’s theories significant overtones of democratic political activism, and the potential for developing innovative practices by which the obsolete education system of the day could be modernized, and the demands for better schooling being put forward by many could be met. In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, one such pioneer was Ernesto Codignola, a shrewd educational theorist who used the journal «Scuola e Città» (Schooling and the City), published by La Nuova Italia publishing house, as a mouthpiece for his ideas. Once the American philosopher’s ideas had been rediscovered, his most significant works were quickly translated and published, and then subjected to a flurry of detailed critical analysis and interpretation. During the 1960s and ‘70s, much of the research into Dewey’s theories was carried out in Florence, in particular by Lamberto Borghi, who interpreted them as the blueprint for a secular, democratic system of education that could be applied across the Italian peninsula.

De emancipatie van de ministerraad onder druk van de Tweede Wereldoorlog

Res Publica ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-180
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Second World ◽  
Western Democracies

Since the creation of the Belgian state in 1830, the kings, head of state, always tried to expand their political  influence. Part of this strategy was the treatment of the ministers as individuals, not as a council. The process of democratisation and the development of political parties pushed back this royal influence. In the meantime, as a result of the fact that coalitions were necessary to establish a government, the Council of Ministers was developping more and more as an institution. That was necessary to gain some governmental stability. Thispermanent Council was not stated in the constitution of 1830. King Leopold III did the same during the thirties as his predecessors and tried to block this evolution. The Second World War established the circumstances to expand his power. The Council ofM inisters choosed for the western democracies. Leopold III did not. Nevertheless the dynasty was not treathened but Leopold, who was not able to adapt, had to forsake the throne. After the war, the Council of Ministers was acknowledged as one of the most important institutions of the Belgian political system.

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