The Christian Democracy of A. D. Lindsay

1986 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Maddox
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Theory ◽  
State Power ◽  
Religious Faith ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Voluntary Association ◽  
World War ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Second World

Much of value in the conception of a democratic state, evident in the work of several English and American scholars writing around the time of the Second World War, but most forcefully presented by A. D. Lindsay, has been overlooked by contemporary scholarship. Lindsay combined a ‘realist’ acceptance of state power with a finely-tuned appreciation of the possibilities of citizenship. His distinctive contributions to democratic theory, focusing on discussion, state power, the sovereignty of the constitution, voluntary association and the creativity of democracy, are well worth re-examination, even if in the end for Lindsay political activism was merely a necessary adjunct to religious faith.

Italy’s Forgotten Partition

Homelands ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 80-107
Author(s):  
Nadav G. Shelef
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Border Zone ◽  
World War ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Intelligence Services ◽  
Sacred Land ◽  
Second World

This chapter analyzes the division of Venezia Giulia, a paradigmatic case in which the partition of homeland territory in the aftermath of war came to be accepted as appropriate by those on both sides of the border. At the end of World War II, American intelligence services identified the border between Italy and Yugoslavia as particularly problematic and as a likely location for violent confrontations between East and West. Alongside the raging international conflict of the Second World War, this border zone was the site of an ethnic civil war between Slavs and Italians that was as bloody and bitter as any other. Yet, by the 1970s, this region became a model for regional cooperation. While individual claims for compensation for lost property remain, mainstream Italian nationalists no longer claim the areas they once fought for so passionately as appropriately part of their homeland. The chapter argues that this acceptance was not automatic or inevitable. Rather, the efforts of the governing Christian Democracy Party (DC) to stem additional territorial losses after the war and to overcome the short-term political challenges it faced in the new republic shaped the timing and process of the withdrawal of homeland territoriality from once-sacred land.

scholarly journals Relevance of German Political Foundations for Comparative Educational Research

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Christel Adick ◽  
Maria Giesemann
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Educational Research ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Educational Goals ◽  
World War ◽  
International Audience ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
Second World

German political foundations, mainly Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS), have a long tradition of political activism in Germany as well as internationally.  Founded after the Second World War, their mission was and is the promotion of democracy and civic education.  Likewise, they pursue these educational goals abroad, where they have been active for over 50 years.  But despite many years of experience in the field of political education across borders, the foundations have hardly been noticed in educational research.  Therefore, an international audience shall be made aware of the unique characteristics of the German party related political foundations as actors in the world.  This article will address the international dimensions of these organizations: how they operate across borders and what they offer in their educational dimensions.  This will show their close entanglement with the official German foreign policy and with the political parties to which they are affiliated in Germany.

scholarly journals Between ‘National Community’ and ‘Milieu’: German Catholics at War, 1939–1945

2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
THOMAS BRODIE
Keyword(s):  
Lived Experience ◽  
Religious Faith ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
National Community ◽  
The Third ◽  
War Effort ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Second World

This article examines German Catholics’ sense of community and identity during the Second World War. It analyses how far they were able to reconcile their religious faith with support for Nazism and the German war effort and questions the extent to which Catholicism in the Rhineland and Westphalia represented either a sealed confessional subculture or a homogenising Nazified ‘national community’ (Volksgemeinschaft). The article argues that, in their pure forms, neither of these analytical paradigms accounts for the complexities of German Catholics’ attitudes during this period, which were far more contested and diverse than outlined by much existing historiography. Religious socialisation, Nazi propaganda and older nationalist traditions shaped Catholics’ mentalities during the Third Reich, creating a spectrum of opinion concerning the appropriate relationship between these influences and loyalties. At the level of lived experience, Catholics’ memberships of religious and national communities revealed themselves to be highly compatible, a tendency which in turn exerted a restraining influence on church–state conflict in wartime Germany.

scholarly journals John Dewey in Italia. L’operazione de La Nuova Italia Editrice: tra traduzione, interpretazione e diffusione

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Franco Cambi
Keyword(s):  
Publishing House ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Educational Theorist ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The City ◽  
Second World

The essay reconstructs the various phases of the discovery of John Dewey’s ideas on Education and the spread of their influence throughout Italian pedagogical circles from the end of the Second World War to the 1970s. Several Italian intellectual pioneers discerned within Dewey’s theories significant overtones of democratic political activism, and the potential for developing innovative practices by which the obsolete education system of the day could be modernized, and the demands for better schooling being put forward by many could be met. In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, one such pioneer was Ernesto Codignola, a shrewd educational theorist who used the journal «Scuola e Città» (Schooling and the City), published by La Nuova Italia publishing house, as a mouthpiece for his ideas. Once the American philosopher’s ideas had been rediscovered, his most significant works were quickly translated and published, and then subjected to a flurry of detailed critical analysis and interpretation. During the 1960s and ‘70s, much of the research into Dewey’s theories was carried out in Florence, in particular by Lamberto Borghi, who interpreted them as the blueprint for a secular, democratic system of education that could be applied across the Italian peninsula.

An Ambassador for Co-operation

Arthur Szyk ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 74-91
Author(s):  
Joseph P. Ansell
Keyword(s):  
Political Activism ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
World War ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Second World

This chapter follows Arthur Szyk's career toward the outbreak of the Second World War. This period marked a period of increased political activism on his part. Supported by the highest levels of the Polish government, Szyk's work continued to spread the message of mutual co-operation and freedom, meeting with positive responses during his exhibits. He once again took up the pen as a political caricaturist during this period, adding contemporary images to the message he believed was already embodied in the statute, to help alert people to the worsening situation in Germany. He contributed drawings to several Polish newspapers, highlighting the threats posed by the rise of the Nazi party and commenting on the sad state of affairs experienced by his fellow Jews living in Germany.

Montesquieu Revisited, or the Mixed Constitution and the Separation of Powers in Canada

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Resnick
Keyword(s):  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
State Power ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Past ◽  
Mixed Constitution ◽  
Second World ◽  
Central Level

AbstractMontesquieu may be a better guide to understanding the nature of the Canadian state, past and present, than Hobbes or Locke of any of the other political philosophers of the past. This article argues that Montesquieu's doctrine has two major components–a discussion of the mixed constitution, blending monarchical, aristocratic and democratic features, and the separation of powers that distinguishes among executive, legislative and judicial. Each of these components can be used to illuminate the operation of state power at the central level in this country, the first the long period between 1867 and the Second World War, the second the post-Second World War period, and more especially the situation that has arisen with the passage of theConstitution Act, 1982.

The Modern State and the Society of Hyper-Order to 1939

2020 ◽  
pp. 21-54
Author(s):  
T. K. Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
State Power ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Modern State ◽  
World War ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
Dominant State ◽  
Hyper Order ◽  
Second World

For the past 200 years the defining feature of most domestic contests between Western governments and armed opponents has tended to be their lopsided asymmetry. Since the later nineteenth century a recurrent phenomenon of Western societies have been hopeless micro-insurrections mounted against stable societies: the armed utopianism of the violently delusional. Time and again, it is only society’s dreamers and deranged who have dared to mount any kind of sustained violent challenge to the state. This chapter traces the emergence of such dominant state power from the late eighteenth century up until the eve of the Second World War.

Social Catholicism and Christian Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew A. Shadle
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Social Associations ◽  
Social Catholicism ◽  
Second World

This chapter looks at the two most important Catholic social movements following the Second World War: social Catholicism and Christian democracy. Dating back to the nineteenth century, social Catholicism was the Catholic Church’s response to capitalism by organizing workers and urging individuals to transform society according to Christian principles. In the postwar period, the organizations of social Catholicism increasingly came to accept the secularization of society and saw greater leadership roles for the laity. Christian democracy was a political movement that governed much of Western Europe in the years after the Second World War. It supported a platform in which the government collaborated with social associations to steer the economy toward the common good and meet the needs of all citizens. Both social Catholicism and Christian democracy had an important influence on later official Catholic social teaching.

scholarly journals Introduction to the German constitution protection law (VERFASSUNGSSCHUTZRECHT)

2017 ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
CODRIN TIMU
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
World War ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
German Constitution ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
The Right ◽  
Democratic Procedure ◽  
Second World

The German constitution protection law represents the entirety of legal norms, which aim towards the protection of the free democratic fundamental order of Germany and towards the existence and security of the federation or of a land. The article represents a short introduction to this law domain and details its fundaments and its actual regulation. As early as 1952 the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany defined the expression “free democratic fundamental order of Germany” as being one of the main objects of protection and defense of the German offices for the protection of the constitution. Handling with this subject has a specific importance, because Germany (as well) is one democratic state that adopted in the constitution a “democratic anti-extremist ideology”. The principle of militant democracy (wehrhafte Demokratie) was adopted by the constitutional legislator as a solution to the “democratic dilemma” of the 1920s, when the constitutionalists of the time asked themselves, if a democracy should have the right to dissolve itself through a democratic procedure. In this way, Germany created after the Second World War the offices for the protection of the constitution.

scholarly journals The Principle of Democracy in Albania, from the Basic Acts of the State in Its Implementation

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Ismail Tafani
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Second World ◽  
Party State

The principle of democracy is seen as the basic pillar of the construction and function of a state. Of course, for the implementation of this principle, different ideologies have been developed, often in contradiction with each other. Ideologies which undoubtedly saw in the principle of democracy the birth and functioning of a state and as a consequence of a governing model which was to be based precisely on the sovereignty of the people and the full expression of its will. In Albania after the end of the Second World War we have the birth of a form of government which was based on the organization of the state according to communist theory. The communist ideology, which developed after the division of the world into two camps, which were the result of the Second World War meant to bring to Albania the realization of the principle of democracy. With the consolidation of the power of the communist party which resulted in the creation of the party-state, the principle of democracy consisted in its expression more as a slogan than as an objective for the development and functioning of society and the functioning of power as the genuine will of the people. Consequently, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, as in all former communist countries and in Albania, what the people demanded was the establishment of a state where the principle of democracy was the foundation of its government. Not in vain after the acceptance of political pluralism by the now completed monopoly of the party-state, the establishment of a system based on the principle of democracy was required. However, the creation of political pluralism after the change of the system does not seem to have brought a realization of the principle of democracy as a basis for the functioning of a democratic state as required by Albanian society. It can even be said that the principle of democracy remains an endless challenge for the entire political spectrum in Albania, although this principle always needs to be consolidated. Through this paper it is sought to analyze how the principle of democracy is required to be adopted by all leaders of any kind of government even though in itself it will have to belong to the people. This paper aims to highlight how in the case of political pluralism and even more so in the existence of a single party the principle of democracy remains a challenge, although it forms the basis of all fundamental acts of the Albanian State since the end of the Second World War.

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