scholarly journals Health of student youth and ways of its formation with the help of physical culture

2021 ◽  
pp. 146-149
Author(s):  
G. Chekhovskaya
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
The Other ◽  
Physical Culture ◽  
Educational Work ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Intellectual Abilities ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
Personal Welfare

The health of students’ youth is the most important element of all – side and harmonic development as well as active activities and well learning and future professional labour; personal welfare and family hapiness. The health – is the reliable guarantee of intellectual future of our state. The many students understand this fact. Concerning to priorities students on first place always put a health. The most important task of higher educational establishment is forming as well as strengthening and saving a health of each student when learning. At this period there is a peak of functional standing an organism and a stabilization of all its elements. Such task is clearly put at national programm of development of education. A modern education as social institution has the important role not only at forming economic, cultural and moral potential of a society but also an education influences on mankind development. On the one hand an education reflects knowledge and experience obtained mankind and on the other hand an education understands future way of each person. An education has certain meaning for building our state and at president’s law “About certain measures concerning to providing functioning and development of an education at Ukraine” the requirement about “…. essential improvement of educational work with children school and student’s youth….. strengthening demoratic bases at an education” is formulated. It is well known that people according to one’s nature on the one hand are biological creatures and on the other hand are social creatures. So physical and social harmonies are the base of normal development not only certain person but also a society as whole. The physical culture is the certain part of overall culture of a society; this part is directed to strengthening a health a development of physical as well as oral and intellectual abilities of a human to form a person. When determining the term of physical culture according to the law of Ukraine “About physical culture and sport” it is said that this culture is the certain part of both material and mental culture of a society. This culture as all – side social phenomenon is connected with any other sides of social life

scholarly journals “Is Christus verdeeld?” Nadenke oor die teologiese regverdiging van kerkverdeeldheid en kerkskeuring

2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 507-525
Author(s):  
J H Van Wyk
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Church Unity ◽  
Reformation Theology ◽  
Church Schism ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One

“Is Christ divided?” Reflections on the theological justification of church disunity and church schismIn this article the author investigates the question whether a church schism could ever be justified. He considers on the one hand the Biblical message on church unity and on the other hand the many justifications of church disunity (schism). He concludes that most of these justifications are unacceptable rasionalisations and that Post-Reformation theology distanced itself far away from Biblical ecclesiology in this regard.

scholarly journals Resolving The Democratic Dilemma: Contestation, Anti-Power and Democracy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Samuele Tonello
Keyword(s):  
Thought Experiment ◽  
The Other ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Social Differences ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Social ◽  
Democratic Dilemma ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One

<p>This thesis in divided in two main parts. First, I develop the claim that current democracies are unable to properly defend what I deem the pivotal feature to evaluate the quality of a political system - namely the people’s liberty - due to what I call a twofold democratic dilemma. On the one hand, common citizens are affected by biases that compromise their ability to successfully maintain forms of self-government. On the other hand, even representative forms of democracy that limit to a certain degree the people’s power are threatened by an oligarchic power. That is, oligarchs are using their wealth power to sway governments towards pursuing oligarchic interests rather than common ones, thus hindering the people’s liberty. For this reason, I argue that we ought to rely on Pettit’s view of liberty as non-domination to resolve the democratic dilemma. The thesis conceives these two threats as two forms of domination that must be avoided and focuses on adding a supplementary editorial and contestatory dimension of democracy to the classical participatory one. Republicanism could offer a solution to both sides of the dilemma. On the one hand, citizens’ political task would be more compatible with the people’s biases, since citizens would limit their participation to control that government’s policies do not entail oligarchic domination. On the other hand, framing liberty as a battle between dominating masters and dominated slaves, republicanism could offer the many the institutional means to counteract elites’ political domination. In this way, I conclude the first part of the thesis, but this opens the gates to the main question of the thesis, namely to how we should structure this contestatory democracy. The problem is that whereas republican scholars agree on the importance of setting freedom as non-domination at the basis of our political systems, there is no such agreement on the best way to institutionally enhance the republican ideal. I analyse this debate, maintaining that while Pettitt’s ideal is the view to pursue, we should reject his editorial solution because small committees of experts are likely to increase oligarchic domination rather than to protect the people’s liberty. Rejecting Pettit’s model does not yet imply refusing any editorial model, since I argue that critical scholars mistakenly identify the editorial component of democracy with Pettit’s answer only. In this way, they neglect alternative solutions to Pettit’s, such as Bellamy’s and McCormick’s. Having explained that Bellamy’s solution does not resolve the democratic dilemma, since this scholar rejects editorial bodies, I argue that McCormick’s “Machiavellian Democracy” framed on a divided conception of the populace offers instead the solution I am looking for. Institutionally recognizing the social differences among the populace, we could create modern bodies similar to the Roman “Tribune of the Plebs” to offer the weaker part of the population a class-specific institution to use as defence from oligarchic domination. The problem is how to implement a modern “Tribune of the plebs” making sure that these bodies are effective but popular in character at the same time. I thus explain how modern editorial tribunates could work in practice, drawing from McCormick’s “thought experiment”. I agree with most of McCormick’s ideas – lottery selection, wealth threshold exclusion, large size tribunates, etc. - but I suggest that we must review some of his suggestions with features more concerned with improving the people’s knowledge – specialization, education selection, etc. Hence, I conclude the thesis describing my thought experiment of a system of Specialized Ministerial Tribunates. In this way, I argue that we could better resolve the democratic dilemma. On the one hand, tribunates’ editorship would be more specific and would not require members of the tribunate to analyse the operation of governments on a too broad spectrum, thus reducing the problems of the people’s biases. On the other hand, tribunates’ operation could be primarily connected to detecting oligarchic features in the policies enacted by single ministries, thus challenging more precisely any oligarchic influence over governments. In sum, I argue that an editorial dimension could produce significant improvements to the people’s liberty. Thanks to a modern “Tribune of the plebs”, citizens could participate more meaningfully in politics, while taming more efficiently the influence oligarchs have on how modern societies are politically directed.</p>

scholarly journals Resolving The Democratic Dilemma: Contestation, Anti-Power and Democracy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Samuele Tonello
Keyword(s):  
Thought Experiment ◽  
The Other ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Social Differences ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Social ◽  
Democratic Dilemma ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One

<p>This thesis in divided in two main parts. First, I develop the claim that current democracies are unable to properly defend what I deem the pivotal feature to evaluate the quality of a political system - namely the people’s liberty - due to what I call a twofold democratic dilemma. On the one hand, common citizens are affected by biases that compromise their ability to successfully maintain forms of self-government. On the other hand, even representative forms of democracy that limit to a certain degree the people’s power are threatened by an oligarchic power. That is, oligarchs are using their wealth power to sway governments towards pursuing oligarchic interests rather than common ones, thus hindering the people’s liberty. For this reason, I argue that we ought to rely on Pettit’s view of liberty as non-domination to resolve the democratic dilemma. The thesis conceives these two threats as two forms of domination that must be avoided and focuses on adding a supplementary editorial and contestatory dimension of democracy to the classical participatory one. Republicanism could offer a solution to both sides of the dilemma. On the one hand, citizens’ political task would be more compatible with the people’s biases, since citizens would limit their participation to control that government’s policies do not entail oligarchic domination. On the other hand, framing liberty as a battle between dominating masters and dominated slaves, republicanism could offer the many the institutional means to counteract elites’ political domination. In this way, I conclude the first part of the thesis, but this opens the gates to the main question of the thesis, namely to how we should structure this contestatory democracy. The problem is that whereas republican scholars agree on the importance of setting freedom as non-domination at the basis of our political systems, there is no such agreement on the best way to institutionally enhance the republican ideal. I analyse this debate, maintaining that while Pettitt’s ideal is the view to pursue, we should reject his editorial solution because small committees of experts are likely to increase oligarchic domination rather than to protect the people’s liberty. Rejecting Pettit’s model does not yet imply refusing any editorial model, since I argue that critical scholars mistakenly identify the editorial component of democracy with Pettit’s answer only. In this way, they neglect alternative solutions to Pettit’s, such as Bellamy’s and McCormick’s. Having explained that Bellamy’s solution does not resolve the democratic dilemma, since this scholar rejects editorial bodies, I argue that McCormick’s “Machiavellian Democracy” framed on a divided conception of the populace offers instead the solution I am looking for. Institutionally recognizing the social differences among the populace, we could create modern bodies similar to the Roman “Tribune of the Plebs” to offer the weaker part of the population a class-specific institution to use as defence from oligarchic domination. The problem is how to implement a modern “Tribune of the plebs” making sure that these bodies are effective but popular in character at the same time. I thus explain how modern editorial tribunates could work in practice, drawing from McCormick’s “thought experiment”. I agree with most of McCormick’s ideas – lottery selection, wealth threshold exclusion, large size tribunates, etc. - but I suggest that we must review some of his suggestions with features more concerned with improving the people’s knowledge – specialization, education selection, etc. Hence, I conclude the thesis describing my thought experiment of a system of Specialized Ministerial Tribunates. In this way, I argue that we could better resolve the democratic dilemma. On the one hand, tribunates’ editorship would be more specific and would not require members of the tribunate to analyse the operation of governments on a too broad spectrum, thus reducing the problems of the people’s biases. On the other hand, tribunates’ operation could be primarily connected to detecting oligarchic features in the policies enacted by single ministries, thus challenging more precisely any oligarchic influence over governments. In sum, I argue that an editorial dimension could produce significant improvements to the people’s liberty. Thanks to a modern “Tribune of the plebs”, citizens could participate more meaningfully in politics, while taming more efficiently the influence oligarchs have on how modern societies are politically directed.</p>

Unconditional and conditional as categories of the dialectic of law

2021 ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Grigory N. Utkin
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Analysis ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Dialectical Relationship ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
The One ◽  
Dialectical Analysis ◽  
Conceptual Meaning

The article reveals the conceptual, meaning-forming role of the categories of the unconditional and conditional in law. At the same time, their dialectical relationship with each other and with other categories is put in the center of attention. The dialectic of the unconditional and conditional is revealed by achieving the unity of the three stages of theoretical analysis, which allows us to present the unconditional and conditional, on the one hand, as the content of all concepts, through which the idea of law is generally expressed in various aspects and elements; on the other hand, the entire set of categories subject to dialectical analysis appears as elements of the content of the unconditional and conditional as semantic units that Express the universal characteristics of law in its features, isolation from other forms of social life.

Filosofia, politica e società ai tempi della pandemia. Agamben e la «paranoia della ragione»

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 617-642
Author(s):  
Antonio Di Chiro
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Intimate Relations ◽  
To Come ◽  
The One

In this essay we will try to analyze the thought of the philosopher Giorgio Agamben on the pandemic. The aim of the work is twofold. On the one hand, we will try to demonstrate that Agamben’s positions on the pandemic are not to be understood as mere extemporaneous statements, but as integral parts of his philosophy. On the other hand, we will try to show how these positions are based on a deeply paranoid and anti-scientific vision, since Agamben believes that the effects of the epidemic have been exaggerated by the centers of power in order to create a “state of exception” that allows to crumble social life and to use the fear of poverty as a tool to dominate society. We will try to demonstrate that it is precisely starting from the critique of Agamben’s positions that it is possible to rethink a philosophy and a politic to come and a new reorganization of social and intimate relations between human beings.

Group Insolvencies

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reinhard Bork ◽  
Renato Mangano
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Limited Extent ◽  
Specific Policy ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The World ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One

This chapter deals with European cross-border issues concerning groups of companies. This chapter, after outlining the difficulties encountered throughout the world in defining and regulating the group, focuses on the specific policy choices endorsed by the EIR, which clearly does not lay down any form of substantive consolidation. Instead, the EIR, on the one hand, seems to permit the ‘one group—one COMI’ rule, even to a limited extent, and, on the other hand, provides for two different regulatory devices of procedural consolidation, one based on the duties of ‘cooperation and communication’ and the other on a system of ‘coordination’ to be set up between the many proceedings affecting companies belonging to the same group.

A Political Theory of Foreign Aid

1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Morgenthau
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Modern Age ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One

Of the seeming and real innovations which the modern age has introduced into the practice of foreign policy, none has proven more baffling to both understanding and action than foreign aid. The very assumption that foreign aid is an instrument of foreign policy is a subject of controversy. For, on the one hand, the opinion is widely held that foreign aid is an end in itself, carrying its own justification, both transcending, and independent of, foreign policy. In this view, foreign aid is the fulfillment of an obligation of the few rich nations toward the many poor ones. On the other hand, many see no justification for a policy of foreign aid at all. They look at it as a gigantic boon-doggle, a wasteful and indefensible operation which serves neither the interests of the United States nor those of the recipient nations.

The Prospects for a Color Revolution in Russia

Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Bunce
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Color Revolutions ◽  
Color Revolution ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
At Home

From 1998 to 2005, six elections took place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that led to the defeat of authoritarian incumbents or their anointed successors, the empowerment of opposition forces, and, thereafter, the introduction of democratic reforms. Because Putin's regime closely resembles those regimes that were successfully challenged by these dramatic changes in politics, Russia is a logical candidate for such a “color revolution,” as these electoral turnovers have been termed. Moreover, the color revolutions have demonstrated an ability to spread among countries, including several that border Russia. However, the case for a color revolution in Russia is mixed. On the one hand, the many costs of personalized rule make Putin's Russia vulnerable. On the other hand, Putin has been extraordinarily effective at home and abroad in preempting the possibility of an opposition victory in Russian presidential and parliamentary elections.

scholarly journals O społecznościach lokalnych i wspólnotach ludzkich w warunkach globalizacji – perspektywa pedagogiczna

1970 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Segiet
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The One

Contemporary researchers of local communities and human societies face a new and difficult task today. It is, on the one hand, related to the great interest in this topic and the difficulty of creating a new concept that would fully exhaust the scope of phenomena observed presently in local communities and human societies. On the other hand, the character of changes that have gained momentum in the first decade of the 21st century, and the description of their sources, become particularly difficult to describe and name. The present article is an attempt at an indication of the need of an evolution of perception on societal reality and the emerging new social issues. Contemporary paedagogy attempts to write about the necessity of awareness/ education related to the needs of establishment of local communities and the creation of bonds as a response to processes related to social life in times of globalisation. It is a fact that we are presently dealing with a change in the forms and character of local communities.

scholarly journals PERAN KELUARGA DALAM PEMBENTURAN MORAL BANGSA DITINIAU DART SUDUT PANDANG AGAMA ISLAM

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Atho Mudzhar
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
National Character ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Family ◽  
The One ◽  
Modern Era

The interest in the role of family in social life in this modern era is growing stronger. On the one hand, this is the result of the declining degree of cohesiveness and disorientation of the family due to industrialization and individualization. On the other hand, it is the effect of the increasing expectation of society toward family institution as the result of the failure of the institutions outside family circles to implant and defend some values in life. This article is trying to see how a family can play a role in building national character, viewed especially from Islamicperspectives. In a specific way, this article shows how Islamic teachings give guidance concerning matters relating to the functions of the family.

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