The Tipping Point: The 2005 Election and the De-consolidation of the German Party System?

2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Conradt

This article develops the thesis that the past quarter-century of electoral volatility in Germany reached a critical tipping point at the 2005 election. The two major parties of the Bonn Republic are now at their lowest combined share of the popular vote since the Federal Republic's founding in 1949. Electoral necessity and not, as in 1966, elite choice forced them into a grand coalition with little programmatic consensus. Their respective demographic cores-church-going Catholics for the CDU and unionized industrial workers for the SPD-have eroded as has the proportion of the electorate identifying with them. Institutional factors such as the electoral system have neither helped nor hindered these changes. The current grand coalition also faces a larger and more focused opposition than in 1966. The article concludes with some comparisons between the current German party system and its Italian counterpart of the late 1980s.

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Allan Kornberg

AbstractThis article employs national survey data gathered over the past quarter century to analyze the evolution and present state of public attitudes toward Canada's federal political parties. A 1991 survey employing new questions on evaluations of party performance reveals that these evaluations are structured in terms of two dimensions, and that negative judgments on both dimensions are pervasive. The significance of the current negativism is assessed using 1965–1991 data on Canadians' feelings about and identifications with the federal parties. Although for a long time party affect has been lukewarm at best, and partisanship has been weak and unstable, negative trends have magnified the disaffection and dealignment. The discontent has accelerated in recent years, as the percentage of Liberal and Progressive Conservative identifiers has plummeted, and the non-identifier group has swelled to record levels, particularly in Quebec. The article concludes by considering the implications of these findings for the future of the federal party system.


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Gu ◽  
Baruch Lev

The rise of intangible assets in size and contribution to corporate growth over the past quarter century was accompanied by a steep increase in the rate and scope of patenting. Consequently, many patent-rich companies, particularly in the science-based and high-tech industries, are extensively engaged in the licensing and sale of patents. We examine various valuation and disclosure aspects of the outcome of patent licensing—royalty income. Our findings indicate the following: (1) royalty income is highly relevant to securities valuation, (2) the intensity of royalty income provides investors with an important signal about the quality and prospects of firms' R&D expenditures, and (3) a substantial number of companies engaged in patent licensing do not disclose royalty income in financial reports.


Author(s):  
Ekrem Karakoç

This chapter opens by providing empirical evidence that income inequality persists or increases in many new democracies after their transition. Then it gives a brief overview of studies that expect reduced inequality because of democratization and questions their three assumptions regarding median voters, party system stability, and the authoritarian legacy on citizen–party linkage. It offers a revision to the median voter theory, emphasizes high electoral volatility in new democracies, and reexamines the legacy of previous nondemocratic regimes on citizen–party linkage. Having offered its argument in a nutshell, it turns to research methodology and case selection. It offers the rationale behind employing a multimethod approach to test its arguments. It tests its argument through large-N analysis in new and longstanding democracies in Europe as well as two paired case studies: Poland and the Czech Republic in postcommunist Europe and Turkey and Spain in Southern Europe.


Author(s):  
Youssef M. Choueiri

This chapter traces the principal historiographical developments in the Arab world since 1945. It is divided into two major parts. The first part deals with the period extending from 1945 to 1970. During this period the discourse of either socialism or nationalism permeated most historical writings. The second part presents the various attempts made to decolonize, rewrite, or theorize history throughout the Arab world. The chapter then shows how in the various states of the Arabic world—some but not all of which have become fundamentalist Islamic regimes—Western models continued to be followed, though often with a more explicitly socialist approach than would be the case in America or Western Europe. By the 1970s, well before the shake-up of radical Islamicization that has dominated the past quarter-century, the entire Arabic world began to push hard against the dominance of residual Western colonial history.


1971 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
James H. Soltow

The production of economic history, like that in many fields of scholarly endeavor, increased sharply in the past quarter-century, compared to the rate of output in earlier eras. While the “new” economic history, with its emphasis on economic theory and measurement, has attracted considerable attention during the last decade, “traditional” economic history, written along institutional lines, has continued to be significant, both quantitatively (in terms of numbers of books and articles) and qualitatively (as assessed by contributions to our understanding of economic processes.)


Author(s):  
Olga S. Demchenko ◽  
◽  
Yulia Yu. Suslova ◽  
Svetlana K. Demchenko ◽  
Sergey A. Zhironkin ◽  
...  

The article presents an original Keynesian-institutional approach to studying the macroeconomic dynamics of a transitional economy (on the example of Russia). The article proposes theoretical provisions related to the inclusion of an assessment of the institutional factor in the distribution of national income, as well as an authorial approach to modeling the relationship between institutions and aggregate demand based on the construction of linear regression equations, including changes in consumption, investment and institutional environment. Currently, economists have a desire to revise the mainstream and increase the requirements for the explanatory ability of macroeconomic models. The views widespread in economic theory are increasingly criticized due to the predominance of econometric analysis over qualitative interpretations, the unrealistic hypotheses of the rationality of economic agents’ behavior and the perfection of market mechanisms based on the assumption that it is possible to predict the future based on an analysis of the past. In order to solve the indicated problems, it is often proposed to use synthetic theories that combine the achievements of several schools of economic thought. One of these synthetic theories is Keynesian-institutional synthesis. The proposed approach is applied to assess the macroeconomic dynamics of the Russian economy, in which a decrease in consumption and investment volatility have been observed over the past five years, which is associated with macroeconomic stabilization and the development of social support institutions. However, the expectations of economic agents are rather unfavorable, and further measures are needed to stabilize aggregate demand. According to the analysis of official statistics, institutional factors significantly affect aggregate demand, but are not of priority. At the same time, the general conditions of the institutional environment have a stronger effect on investment than on consumption. On this basis, it has been concluded that the progress of institutions can not only accelerate economic growth, but also increase macroeconomic risks; therefore, it increases the responsibility of politicians for decisions in the field of economic regulation.


Author(s):  
O. Morhuniuk

An article is devoted to the analysis of the functions and formats of political parties in consociational democracies. In particular, it is defined that parties that represent the interests of certain subcultures in society and that reach a consensus among themselves at the level of political agreements are called segmental. At the same time, parties that encapsulate different subgroups of the society that cooperate inside the party within main features of the consociational theory (grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality in representations, and independence of segments or society subcultures) are called consociational. The theory of consociationalism has received a wide range of theoretical additions and criticism from political scientists over the past fifty years. And while political parties should have been, by definition, one of the key aspects of research within such democratic regimes (parties are part of large coalitions and agents of representation of certain subcultures), there is very scarce number of literature that focuses on this aspect. Therefore, the presented article provides a description of the functions of political parties that could be observed as inside their subcultures as well as in interaction with other segmental parties. Based on the experience of two European countries in the period of “classical” consociationalism (Belgium and the Netherlands), we explain the functions of the parties we have defined in such societies with examples of relevant consociational practices in them. Simultaneously with the analysis of segmental parties, the article also offers the characteristics of consociational parties. The emergence of such parties has its own institutional and historical features. The way of further development of the party system and the level of preservation of consociational practices makes it possible to understand the nature of changes in the societies. Similarly, the analysis of the forms of party competition and interaction between segmental parties makes it possible to outline the forms of those consociational changes that are taking place in the research countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. SP510-2021-87
Author(s):  
Jiandong Xu ◽  
Clive Oppenheimer ◽  
James O. S. Hammond ◽  
Haiquan Wei

AbstractChina ishas a rich record of Holocene volcanism that is relatively little known outside the country. It is encountered in home to a number of volcanoes that have erupted in the Holocene. These range from large stratovolcanoes in the northeast, linked to subduction of the pPacific plate (e.g., Changbaishan); in , more diffuse volcanismsmaller volcanoes on the edges of the TibetTibetan margin, linked toassociated with the collision of India and AEurasia (e.g., Tengchong, Ashishan), and more isolated regions of volcanismcentres possibly linked topossibly resulting from mantle upwelling (e.g., volcanoes in Hainan island). This makes China a natural laboratory for studyingstudies of intraplate volcanism, yet the study of volcanology in China is young, with a significant increase in research only over the last 25 yearsand significant progress in understanding its nature and origins has been made over the past quarter century. To highlight recent advances and the current state of knowledge, thisHere, we introduce the first publication in English to provide a comprehensive survey of the state of knowledge and research highlights. special volume presents the first compilation of research on the active volcanoes of China in English. This first paper introduces the book, which coversAccordingly, we provide an overview of the dynamics, geology, geochemistry, volcanic histories and geophysical studies of the 14 volcanoesvolcanic areas that have erupted in theassociated with Holocene documented thus far. Our hope is that this special publication acts as The special publication represents a benchmark reference on the topic but, as importantly, we hope it will stimulatea resource to allow new, international collaborations to be developed to help understandaimed at deepening our understanding of the origins, history, hazards and associated risks from future eruptions of China's volcanoes.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peggy Matauschek

Is plurality or majority electoral reform a sensible option in Germany’s muddled electoral system debate? Yes, it is. Since Germany’s mixed-member proportional system fails to concentrate the party system in a sufficient way, Peggy Matauschek searches for a suitable alternative to the principle of proportional representation. She discusses the following options according to their contextual conditions: single-member plurality and majority electoral systems—like the alternative vote system—, parallel systems, proportional representation systems with a low district magnitude and majority bonus systems. In light of its balanced performance, the study advocates the introduction of a system with a majority bonus for a coalition.


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