scholarly journals Building ships while breaking apart

Focaal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (89) ◽  
pp. 12-24
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Schober

With the center of gravity of the maritime industry over recent decades progressively moving eastwards, South Korea is today a giant in both shipping and shipbuilding. Its largely family-controlled industrial enterprises are nowadays increasingly engaged in risky business experiments abroad, which on occasion fail in a spectacular manner. By following the story of how one family-run economic actor invested unsuccessfully in the Philippines, I combine an exploration of the political-economic factors involved in this failure with an investigation of how these larger structures are entangled with a complex family story inside a Korean conglomerate. The forced separation between family and business that ensued in this case illuminates changing and competing ideals of “waterborne” capitalism in the twenty-first century.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 913-929
Author(s):  
Inhye Heo

After the democratisation of South Korea in 1987, political discourse on ‘big government’ nearly disappeared, largely because it recalled past authoritarianism. Authoritarian states are highly likely to employ ‘big government’ – exerting policy influence over the distribution of private resources – to sustain their political power, and Korea’s authoritarian state was no exception. Thus, newly inaugurated President Moon Jae-in’s official implication that he would pursue big government is notable, because he claimed to represent pro-democracy groups that opposed both historical authoritarianism and the former president’s undemocratic governance. In this context, this study examines external and internal political-economic factors behind the revival of big government discourse in Korea. Results show that critical factors included the lack of pressure in the global capitalist market and the dominance of governmentalists over marketists in the political-economic discourse influencing the administration’s maintenance and expansion of its political foundation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Im Tobin

While participatory e-government is increasingly advocated, few studies have investigated whether it is feasible across all national contexts. This study investigates how certain contextual features influence the success of participatory applications of e-government. In particular, it assesses how the political, economic, and social context in which a particular government operates influence the introduction of participatory e-government, and compares participatory e-government applications in Romania and South Korea. These nations possess important similarities and differences in their political, social, and economic contexts. The study results suggest that the success of participatory e-government projects is to a large extent contingent upon political and economic factors and less related to social factors.


1994 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terutomo Ozawa

Structural upgrading and industrial dynamismin Pacific Asia—initially Japan, then the Asian NIEs (Newly Industrializing Economies: South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore) following closely behind, and most recently, ASEAN 4 (Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines)—have been unprecedentedly phenomenal. This regional supergrowth in industrial activities has become the center of attention, but the evolving changes in the political systems and societal structures of the Pacific Asian nations have been, no doubt, equally important, although rather subtle and not so dramatic in appearance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Mares

ABSTRACTThis article examines how government policy affects the sustainability and inclusiveness of national development after the boom. The impact of the latest commodity boom (2003-2014) on the sustainability and inclusiveness of Latin American national development varies, but not by whether governments were ideologically left. I present the economic results of the commodity boom for the major Latin American countries, followed by the social results as measured by the reduction in poverty rates and income inequality. I examine potential countervailing economic factors that could mitigate the importance of the political economic determinants of the use of resource wealth. Finding the countervailing economic factors inadequate to explain the variation in social results, I propose that the political economy of linking resource wealth with economic and social outcomes is the key determinant. I conclude the paper with a discussion of current challenges post-commodity boom.Keywords: Commodity Boom; Poverty; Income Inequality. RESUMOEste artigo examina como a política do governo afeta a sustentabilidade e a inclusão do desenvolvimento nacional após o boom. O impacto do último boom das commodities (2003-2014) na sustentabilidade e inclusão do desenvolvimento nacional da América Latina varia, mas não pelo fato de os governos serem ideologicamente de esquerda. Apresento os resultados econômicos do boom das commodities para os principais países da América Latina, seguidos pelos resultados sociais medidos pela redução das taxas de pobreza e desigualdade de renda. Examino os possíveis fatores econômicos compensatórios que podem mitigar a importância dos determinantes político-econômicos do uso de recursos financeiros. Considerando os fatores econômicos compensadores inadequados para explicar a variação nos resultados sociais, proponho que a economia política de vincular os recursos financeiros a resultados econômicos e sociais seja o principal determinante. Concluo o artigo com uma discussão dos desafios atuais do pós boom das commodities.Palavras-chaves: Boom de Commodities; Pobreza; Desigualdade De Renda.


Author(s):  
Brian Wampler ◽  
Stephanie McNulty ◽  
Michael Touchton

Extensive experimentation with new democratic institutions took place in Asia across the 1980s and 1990s, but PB only formally arrived at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The spread of PB across Asia thus stems from democratic impulses to empower citizens in new democracies. This chapter focuses on three countries—South Korea, the Philippines, Indonesia—to illuminate key trends in the region. The chapter shows that a small number of local governments initially adopted “PB-like” programs. Positive evaluations of these programs then spurred national governments to mandate PB to incorporate large segments of the population in public decision-making. An additional focus, toward the end of this chapter, is the expansion of PB to China because it helps to illuminate how the malleability of PB’s rules enables local governments to implement the program in authoritarian contexts; the use of PB by authoritarian governments is one of the most controversial issues facing PB today. The cases from Asia reviewed in this chapter offer the promise of social and political change. However, the limitations on evidence means that enough information about these programs’ specific impacts is still lacking.


1987 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Porpora ◽  
Mah Hui Lim

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Vujnovic ◽  
Jane B. Singer ◽  
Steve Paulussen ◽  
Ari Heinonen ◽  
Zvi Reich ◽  
...  

2014 ◽  
Vol 113 (761) ◽  
pp. 123-124
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Hamilton

The United States and Europe must rebalance their partnership in order to face the political, economic, and security challenges of the twenty-first century.


2020 ◽  
pp. 103-110
Author(s):  
Ruslan Prokhorov ◽  

The article discusses the political, economic and cultural cooperation of Pakistan with France in the twenty-first century. Attention is drawn to a peculiar bias towards France in the frequency of political and diplomatic visits by representatives of Pakistan. Due to the fact that France is a traditional donor of the Pakistani economy, attention is drawn to the desire of the partiesto increase the role of public diplomacy in the development of trade and economic relations. Meanwhile, France is Pakistan’s long-standing export partner, one of the top ten countries in which Pakistan exports its goods. The importance of developing such areas of cooperation as energy and transport is emphasized. Military-technical cooperation is singled out as a traditional area of cooperation between Pakistan and France. The role of France in the creation and development ofthe naval forces of Pakistan isindicated. The complicated relations between countries on the issue of nuclear cooperation are shown. The article also discussessecurity issues, namely, current bilateral documents, joint effortsto combat terrorism, and the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons are presented. Interaction in the field of culture is presented on the example of the work of the three centers of the French public organization Alliance de Frances. Separately, attention is drawn to the interaction of state structures of the two countries regarding the return of relics illegally exported from Pakistan. In conclusion, it is assumed that Pakistan’s orientation towards France is quite justified, since this European state has always been friendly to it, is powerful in its economic potential and resources, and the development of relations with this country does not conflict with the orientation towards the United States.


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