scholarly journals Achieving Sustainable And Inclusive Economic Growth In Latin America: National Development During The Commodity Boom

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Mares

ABSTRACTThis article examines how government policy affects the sustainability and inclusiveness of national development after the boom. The impact of the latest commodity boom (2003-2014) on the sustainability and inclusiveness of Latin American national development varies, but not by whether governments were ideologically left. I present the economic results of the commodity boom for the major Latin American countries, followed by the social results as measured by the reduction in poverty rates and income inequality. I examine potential countervailing economic factors that could mitigate the importance of the political economic determinants of the use of resource wealth. Finding the countervailing economic factors inadequate to explain the variation in social results, I propose that the political economy of linking resource wealth with economic and social outcomes is the key determinant. I conclude the paper with a discussion of current challenges post-commodity boom.Keywords: Commodity Boom; Poverty; Income Inequality. RESUMOEste artigo examina como a política do governo afeta a sustentabilidade e a inclusão do desenvolvimento nacional após o boom. O impacto do último boom das commodities (2003-2014) na sustentabilidade e inclusão do desenvolvimento nacional da América Latina varia, mas não pelo fato de os governos serem ideologicamente de esquerda. Apresento os resultados econômicos do boom das commodities para os principais países da América Latina, seguidos pelos resultados sociais medidos pela redução das taxas de pobreza e desigualdade de renda. Examino os possíveis fatores econômicos compensatórios que podem mitigar a importância dos determinantes político-econômicos do uso de recursos financeiros. Considerando os fatores econômicos compensadores inadequados para explicar a variação nos resultados sociais, proponho que a economia política de vincular os recursos financeiros a resultados econômicos e sociais seja o principal determinante. Concluo o artigo com uma discussão dos desafios atuais do pós boom das commodities.Palavras-chaves: Boom de Commodities; Pobreza; Desigualdade De Renda.

GeoTextos ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica Arroyo

Consideramos América Latina como um conjunto de territórios nacionais com relações de cooperação e conflito em permanente redefinição; territórios usados por agentes com diferentes força e poder que expressam uma multiplicidade de interesses e contradições. A partir deste pressuposto, analisamos os novos elementos da conjuntura político-econômica desde os anos 2000 bem como os novos conteúdos no discurso e na orientação de instituições latino-americanas. Ao apontar as diferentes iniciativas de integração traçadas num lapso de uma década e meia, observamos que, ainda sobre a base de dissensos e de perspectivas muitas vezes opostas, predomina principalmente a convergência em torno de uma integração regional soberana. Mas, pelas recentes mudanças de rumo acontecidas em países como Argentina e Brasil, refletimos sobre as perspectivas dessa integração e nos perguntamos se não se trataria de seu ocaso. Abstract LATIN AMERICA AT A CROSSROADS: DECLINE OF THE INTEGRATION PROJECT? We consider Latin America as a group of national territories in cooperation and conflict relations in constant reformulation; territories used by agents with different strength and power that express a multiplicity of interests and contradictions. From this assumption, we analyze the new elements of the political-economic conjuncture since the 2000s as well as the new contents of Latin American institutions’ discourse and orientation. In pointing out the different integration initiatives drew up in a period of one and half decade, we observe that, while on the basis of dissents and perspectives often opposite, mainly the convergence of a sovereign regional integration predominates. Nevertheless, because of recent changes of course happened in countries like Argentina and Brazil, we reflect on the perspectives of this integration and question whether it is about its decline.


2022 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Addison ◽  
Kwasi Ohene-Yankyera ◽  
Patricia Pinamang Acheampong ◽  
Camillus Abawiera Wongnaa

Abstract Background Government of Ghana’s effort to reduce income inequality consistently poses a major challenge to public policy formulation. The promotion and dissemination of agricultural technologies as a pathway out of income inequality in rural Ghana have received widespread support. Yet, knowledge about the impact of agricultural technologies on rural income inequality remains low. The objective of the study is to evaluate the link between the uptake of improved rice technologies and income distribution in the study area. Methods This paper uses a survey data from 917 smallholder rice producers in selected communities in Ghana. The study employs the Bourguignon, Fournier, and Gurgand (BFG) selection bias correction model, a two-stage model, to empirically analyse the role of agricultural technologies in rural income distribution. Results The empirical result shows that education, farm size, land ownership, participation in relevant extension training programmes enhance adoption, but gender (female) inhibits uptake of the selected technologies. The empirical result further shows that the uptake of the improved rice seed and fertilizer increases rice farmers’ net revenue significantly. The result further indicates that farmers’ choice of the selected agricultural technologies decreases the sample population income inequality, indicating the uptake of the technologies has an equalizing effect on rice farmers’ income distribution. Conclusion The study concludes that the use of the selected technologies has potential to fight rural poverty in Ghana. The findings have implications for National Development Planning Commission (NDPC) agenda of redistribution of wealth in Ghana.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Mônica de Castro Maia Senna ◽  
Aline Souto Maior Ferreira ◽  
Valentina Sofia Suarez Baldo

O artigo analisa como sistemas de proteção social na América Latina têm respondido à grave situação social decorrente da pandemia de COVID-19. Pautado em estudo exploratório, o artigo toma como foco as experiências da Argentina, Brasil e México. A perspectiva de análise considera que as respostas produzidas por esses três casos às demandas sociais postas pela pandemia decorrem da interseção entre o legado prévio e estrutura institucional dos sistemas de proteção social existentes em cada país, a orientação política dos governos em exercício e a dinâmica social e política diante do contexto da crise sanitária. Verifica que nos três países, a despeito de medidas protetivas de maior ou menor abrangência e magnitude, que reforçam a proteção social existente ou introduzem novos mecanismos – todos eles temporários – a crise social própria às formações sociais latino-americanas se agravou.LATIN AMERICAN SOCIAL PROTECTION SYSTEMS AND RESPONSES TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: Argentina, Brazil and MexicoAbstractThe article analyses how social protection systems in Latina America have responded to the serious social situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Guided by an exploratory study, the paper focuses on the experiences of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. The analysis considers that the responses produced by the three cases results from the intersection between the institutional structure’s previous legacy of the social protection systems existing in each country, the political orientation of the governments in exercise and the social and political dynamics in the sanitary crisis context. It seems that, despite protective measures of greater or lesser scope and magnitude, which either reinforce the existing social protections or introduce new mechanisms – all of them temporary – the social crisis specific to Latin American social formations has worsened in the countries studied.Keywords: Social protection. COVID-19. Brazil. México. Argentina


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
João Carlos Amoroso Botelho

Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) e Ianni (1975) aplicaram a noção de populismo à América Latina, muito se escreveu sobre o tema. O conceito se estirou tanto que tem servido para definir políticos os mais díspares. Com a ausência das condições socioeconômicas descritas pelas formulações clássicas, a estratégia adotada é limitar a categoria à dimensão política. Esse procedimento, porém, não é capaz de descrever atributos exclusivos suficientes para que o populismo seja um fenômeno específico. Ao mesmo tempo, o conceito está tão enraizado que não é viável abandoná-lo. A solução proposta é avaliar em quais características um político se aproxima e se afasta dos casos paradigmáticos do passado. Assim, ele pode ser populista em certos aspectos e não em outros. Com esse procedimento, se chega a uma classificação, em que um líder apresente mais ou menos atributos descritos pelas definições clássicas, eliminando a necessidade de reformulação constante do conceito para adaptá-lo a novas circunstâncias. Também haveria menos espaço a que o rótulo de populista continuasse servindo para desqualificar políticos latino-americanos. O artigo aborda definições clássicas e recentes aplicadas à América Latina e avalia a viabilidade empírica da estratégia de se concentrar na dimensão política.---LA APLICACIÓN DEL CONCEPTO DE POPULISMO AMÉRICA LATINA: la necesidad de clasificar, y no descalificar Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) y Ianni (1975) aplicaron la noción de populismo a la América Latina, mucho se ha escrito sobre el tema. El concepto se ha estirado tanto que ha definido políticos muy dispares. Con la ausencia de las condiciones socioeconómicas descritas por las formulaciones clásicas, la estrategia adoptada es concentrarse en la dimensión política. Ese procedimiento, sin embargo, no es capaz de describir atributos exclusivos suficientes para que el populismo sea un fenómeno específico. Al mismo tiempo, el concepto está tan enraizado que no es viable abandonarlo. La solución propuesta es evaluar en cuales características un político se acerca y se aleja de los casos paradigmáticos del pasado. Así, ello puede ser populista en ciertos aspectos y no en otros. Con ese procedimiento, se llega a una clasificación, en que un líder presente más o menos atributos descritos por las definiciones clásicas, eliminando la necesidad de reformulación constante del concepto. También habría menos espacio a que el rótulo de populista continuase sirviendo para descalificar políticos latinoamericanos. El artículo presenta definiciones clásicas y recientes aplicadas a la América Latina y discute la viabilidad empírica de la estrategia de concentrarse en la dimensión política.Palabras-clave: populismo; América Latina; casos paradigmáticos; clasificación.---THE APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA: the need to classify and not disqualifyEver since authors such as Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) and Ianni (1975) applied the notion of populism in Latin America, much has been written on the subject. The concept stretched out so much that it has served to define the most dissimilar politicians. In the absence of socioeconomic conditions described by classical formulations, the strategy adopted is to restrict the category to the political dimension. Such a procedure, however, is not capable of describing adequate particular attributes that populism would be a specific phenomenon. At the same time, the concept is so deeply embedded in our society that it is not feasible to abandon it. The proposed solution is to evaluate in which characteristics a politician reaches and moves away from the paradigmatic cases of the past. Thus, it can be populist in some respects and not in others. In such a procedure, we arrive at a classification in which a leader shows more or less attributes described by classical definitions, eliminating the need for constant reformulation of the concept to adapt it to new circumstances. Also, there would be less space to which the label of populist would continue to serve to disqualify Latin American politicians. The article discusses recent and classic settings applied to Latin America and assesses the empirical viability of focusing on the political dimension strategy.Key words: populism; Latin America; paradigmatic cases; classification.


1997 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 75-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alı Çarkoğlu

The assertion that economic conditions prevailing during a government's tenure influence the level of electoral support it receives is frequently expressed in Turkey. Despite frequent references to economic dimensions of electoral behavior in Turkish media and academic circles, however, there are only a few systematic analyses of the impact of macro-economic performance on incumbents' electoral success. Bulutay and Yıldırım (1969) and Bulutay (1970) were the first attempts in this direction. These pioneering empirical analyses were mainly descriptive and rely on cross-sectional observations across provinces for the elections between 1950 and 1969. Based solely on developments in the agricultural sector they concluded that economic factors were first among the factors determining election outcomes. Özselçuk (1975) included macro-economic indicators, such as changes in per capita income and prices, in a regression model to explain changes in incumbents' vote share. Özselçuk provided some evidence that incumbents' electoral support was shaped by developments in macro-economic indicators, however, his analyses were technically deficient and his results were poorly documented.


Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-61
Author(s):  
Fernando Barrientos Del Monte

From the end of the nineteenth century until well into the 1980s, one spoke of the “political sciences” (in the plural), a concept that included all the disciplines that analyzed political phenomena. “Sociological interpretation” began in the 1960s as a model of social science meant to provide both criticism and direction regarding development policies. Rodolfo Stavenhagen’s 1965 “Seven Erroneous Theses about Latin America” is an example of the role played by the political sciences at the time. Given the development of contemporary political science, which seeks dependent and independent variables and mid-range theories and bases its claims on empirical information, the question arises what Latin American political science can (re) learn from the interpretive model employed 50 years ago. Desde finales del siglo XIX y todavía en los años ochenta del siglo XX se hablaba de “ciencias políticas” (en plural), concepto en el cual se incluían todas aquellas disciplinas que analizaban los fenómenos políticos. La “interpretación sociológica” se erigió en la década de los años sesenta como un modelo de ciencia social que formulaba críticas pero también orientaba políticas de desarrollo. “Siete tesis equivocadas sobre América Latina” (1965) de Rodolfo Stavenhagen es un ejemplo del ejercicio de las ciencias políticas de la época. A la luz del desarrollo de la ciencia política contemporánea, que busca variables dependientes e independientes y teorías de alcance medio y funda sus afirmaciones a partir de información empírica, se trata de responder a la pregunta qué puede (re)aprender la ciencia política latinoamericana del modelo interpretativo de hace cincuenta años.


Author(s):  
Manuel Iturralde

The aim of this article is to show how, despite the political and economic reforms of the last three decades, which have embraced the ideals of free markets and democracy, social and economic exclusion, as well as authoritarianism, are still the main features of most of Latin American societies. For this reason, they may be considered democracies without citizenship. The article focuses on the impact that these features have had on the configuration of Latin American crime control fields, which in most cases are highly punitive. It also discusses how Latin American crime control fields have contributed in turn to the advancement of such reforms.


World Affairs ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 180 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simplice A. Asongu

This study investigates the effect of globalization on governance in 51 African countries for the period 1996–2011. Four bundled governance indicators and four globalization (political, economic, social, and general) variables are used. The empirical evidence is based on instrumental variable quantile regressions. The motivation for using this estimation technique is that blanket governance–globalization policies are not likely to succeed unless they are contingent on initial levels of governance and tailored differently across countries with low, intermediate, and high levels of governance. The following findings are presented. First, globalization does, in fact, appear to promote good governance. Second, for the most part, the effect of globalization is higher in terms of magnitude in the bottom quantiles of the political, institutional, and general governance distributions. Third, the impact of globalization is overwhelmingly higher in terms of magnitude in the top quantiles of the economic governance distribution.


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