Ben-Gurion and the Palestinian Refugees

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Yossi Goldstein

A prominent aspect of the Jewish-Arab conflict over Palestine has been the Palestinian ‘catastrophe’ or ‘Nakba’—the displacement of some 750,000 Palestinians during Israel’s War of Independence. David Ben-Gurion, the Yishuv’s pre-state leader and Israel’s first prime minister, was an influential figure in this process. This article investigates Ben-Gurion’s attitude toward the Palestinian refugee problem, highlighting its dynamic nature and its linkage to military developments. Contrary to the conclusions of previous research, only after the Arab states’ invasion and the war’s expansion in late May and early June 1948 did Ben-Gurion decide to oppose the refugees’ return. Undeterred by his own ethical misgivings and international efforts to secure repatriation, his view was reinforced over time, as Israel’s victories on the battlefield became unequivocal.

2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Masalha

In 1948 an official ‘Transfer Committee’ was appointed by the Israeli Cabinet to plan the Palestinian refugees' resettlement in the Arab states. Apart from doing everything possible to reduce the Arab population in Israel, the Transfer Committee sought to amplify and consolidate the demographic transformation of Palestine by: preventing the Palestinian refugees from returning to their homes; the destruction of Arab villages; settlement of Jews in Arab villages and towns; and launching a propaganda campaign to discourage Arab return. One of the Transfer Committee's initiatives was to invite Dr Joseph Schechtman, a right-wing Zionist Revisionist leader and expert on ‘population transfer’, to join its efforts. In 1952 Schechtman published a propagandists work entitled The Arab Refugee Problem. Since then Schechtman would become the single most influential propagator of the Zionist myth of ‘voluntary’ exodus in 1948. This article examines the leading role played by Schechtman in promoting Israeli propaganda and politics of denial. Relying on newly-discovered Israeli archival documents, the article deals with little known and new aspects of the secret history of the post-1948 period.


2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Segev

This article, excerpted from a chapter of a new book on the 1967 war, focuses on the debates within Israel, especially within the government, regarding the fate of the Palestinian refugees (particularly in Gaza) who came under Israeli control in the wake of the war. The article explores Israeli government and military involvement, including that of the prime minister's office, in soliciting and crafting a number of plans to bring about the out-migration of Palestinians from Gaza.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafi Nets-Zehngut

Purpose This paper aims to explore, for the first time over a long period of time, the autobiographical memory of Israeli veterans of the 1948 War, pertaining to the 1948 Palestinian exodus that led to the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem. Does this memory include the Zionist narrative (i.e. willing flight of the Palestinian refugees) or a critical narrative (i.e. willing flight and expulsion)? One of the primary sources to influence the collective memory of conflicts is the autobiographical memory. This memory is also one of the primary sources for research of the past. Thus, autobiographical memory is of importance. Design/methodology/approach Methodologically, this is done through an analysis of all 1948 veterans’ memoirs published between 1949 and 2004. Interviews were also conducted with various veterans, to understand the dynamics of their memoir publication. Findings Empirical findings suggest that during the first period (1949-1968), this memory was exclusively Zionist; during the second (1969-1978), it became slightly critical; and during the third (1979-2004), the critical tendency became more prevalent. Onward, the nine empirical causes for the presentation of exodus the way it was presented are discussed. Theoretical findings relate, inter alia, to the importance of micro factors in shaping the autobiographical memory, assembles seven such theoretical factors, suggests that these factors can influence in two ways (promoting collective memory change or inhibiting it), and that their impact can change over time. Originality/value Taken together, the paper contributes empirical and theoretical findings that are based on a solid and wide scope research.


2002 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan M. Akram

The Palestinian refugee problem is one of the longest-lasting refugee crises in the world——now exceeding fifty-three years——without a real solution in sight. Although at its core a political problem, the Palestinian refugee crisis is also a problem of legal distortion: Palestinian refugees fall into a legal lacuna that sets them outside minimal international protections available for all other refugee groups in the world. This paper provides background to the legal anomaly that sets Palestinian refugees apart; discusses the legal, practical, and political implications of that status; and proposes a framework and mechanisms aimed at promoting a rights-based solution for the Palestinian refugee problem.


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-118
Author(s):  
Juliane Hammer

The events of 1948 mark the Palestinians' nakbah (catastrophe) and the Israelis' war of independence. The historiographies describing and analyzing these events have always been debated and contested. For instance, 1948 can be described as a founding element of Palestinian and Israeli iden­ tities respectively. A serious attempt to rewrite earlier historiography was introduced by the Israeli "new historians" in the 1980s. Based on documents and materials from recently opened Israeli archives, they set out to challenge Israel's founding myth and the lopsided description of the causes and events leading to the Palestinian refugee problem.The volume under review moves the rewriting a step further by attempting to take a fresh look at the Arab states' and the Palestinians' involvement in the development of the 1948 war. The editors suggest that it is possible, as well as necessary, to deconstruct the myths surrounding the Arab armies' defeat in 1948 by finding its causes in the Arab states' politi­cal situation and with each one's internal situation. The introduction explains the need for such a rewriting process and points out that much needs to be done, especially regarding the historiog­raphy of Arab states that stil I draw some of their legitimacy from their historical myths, often related to the 1948 war. Similarly, the Arab states' support for the Palestinians and their cause, as well as their participation in the 1948 war (to save Palestine), are almost always presented as inter­dependent and an example of high moral commitment. Opening Arab archives (civil and military) of this period seems to be a dream of histo­rians, rather than a realistic expectation, for the near future. Thus, the introduction concludes that much research in support of this critical tra­dition has yet to be done ...


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Stephan

This paper will attempt to analyze why Lebanon accepts so many refugees instead of initially denying them asylum since Lebanon’s refugee law reflects the country’s unwillingness to integrate refugees into its citizenry. It focuses on the case of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon and argues that Lebanon’s historical relations with Palestine and the Arab states, and its economic benefit from the refugees play a more powerful role than the country’s feeling of legal responsibility for granting these refugees asylum. The paper is divided into two sections; the first examines Lebanon’s refugee law and its consequences on the living conditions of refugees in Lebanon. The second section assesses the role of Arab nationalism and the economic benefit from refugees on influencing Lebanon to grant refugees asylum.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anaheed Al-Hardan

The 1948 Nakba has, in light of the 1993 Oslo Accords and Palestinian refugee activists' mobilisation around the right of return, taken on a new-found centrality and importance in Palestinian refugee communities. Closely-related to this, members of the ‘Generation of Palestine’, the only individuals who can recollect Nakba memories, have come to be seen as the guardians of memories that are eventually to reclaim the homeland. These historical, social and political realities are deeply rooted in the ways in which the few remaining members of the generation of Palestine recollect 1948. Moreover, as members of communities that were destroyed in Palestine, and whose common and temporal and spatial frameworks were non-linearly constituted anew in Syria, one of the multiples meanings of the Nakba today can be found in the way the refugee communities perceive and define this generation.


2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-151

The quadrilateral meeting at Aqaba, intended to ““kick off implementation”” of the road map, was attended by King Abdallah, Prime Minister Abbas, Prime Minister Sharon, and President Bush. All four leaders made statements at the end of the meeting, but only those by Abbas and Sharon are reproduced below. President Bush's statement was noteworthy for its mention of Israel as a ““vibrant Jewish state”” (““America is strongly committed and I am strongly committed to Israel's security as a vibrant Jewish state””) and of Palestinian ““hopes”” for a ““viable”” state, and for reiterating that the Arab states ““have promised to cut off assistance and the flow of money and weapons to terrorists groups and to help Prime Minister Abbas rid Palestinian areas of terrorism.”” The statements by Abbas and Sharon were drafted with U.S. officials prior to the meeting. Though Abbas did not comply with the Israeli demand of Palestinian acknowledgment of Israel as a ““Jewish state,”” his speech provoked indignation in the occupied territories for its reference to ““the suffering of the Jews”” without mention of Palestinian suffering, its reiterated call for ending the ““armed intifada,”” and its ““renunciation”” of terrorism. Sharon resisted U.S. suggestions to refer to ““settlements,”” but did mention ““unauthorized outposts.”” In reference to Sharon's mention of ““territorial contiguity”” for a ““viable”” Palestinian state, a spokesman indicated that the contiguity would be ensured by ““bridges and tunnels.”” The text of the statements, transcribed by eMediaMill- Works and carried by the Associated Press, was posted on the Washington Post's Website.


CORAK ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renta Vulkanita Hasan

Culture growing in Indonesia and overseas intrinsically dynamic. Nature of culture as a result of human creativity is always moving and displacement. When his journey to the vibrant place anyway, culture is likely to mix with the native culture which then grow and develop into a new culture. Culture is a strong factor that affects the mindset. Over time, society has a way of looking at the world deal, behave, and interact with each other. In other words, they have their own color and pattern of the deal while making rules in social life. Yogyakarta in Java, which is known as one of the cultural centers of Java development, especially ritual Grebeg Maulud. Ritual Grebeg Maulud over time reflecting the constantly changing movement of social change, culture, politics, economics and society in his day. Ritual is a means of connecting Grebeg Maulud transcendental between man and God (Manunggaling Kawula-Gusti) and guidance from the teachings of the holy book (Islam). But this time Grebeg Maulud also has another function, namely as a spectacle. This suggests a cultural shift from the sacred to the profane. Batik as a dress code in the Carnival celebrations Grebeg Maulud is one reflection of the existence of culture in Yogyakarta Palace. The use of batik in a ritual procession Grebeg Maulud is a tradition that continues to this day. Batik palace is considered one of the symbols of the existence of power relations by creating a specific motive for a particular class. Dynamism of culture led to the use of batik is not only a marker of power relations, but also as an exciting treat for the fashion show at the Carnival lasts Grebeg Maulud.Keyword: Grebeg, Maulud, representations, clothing, batik, palace, Yogyakarta


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-168
Author(s):  
Andrew Tobolowsky

Scholars are increasingly aware of the dynamic nature of the interaction between the nine-chapter-long genealogy that begins the book of Chronicles and its source material. However, little attention has been paid to the role this interaction might have played in the creation of some key biblical ideas, particularly in the “eponymous imagination” of the tribes as literally the sons of Jacob. Through comparison with scholarly approaches to the pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women and an investigation into the ramifications for biblical studies of ethnic theory and historical memory on the fluidity of ethnicity and memory over time, this article seeks to reassess the dynamic power of the Chronicles genealogy as an ethnic charter for the elites of Persian Yehud. Focus on the distinctive imagination of Israel in the crucial narratives in the book of Genesis, as compared with narratives elsewhere in the primary history, and the contributions of the Chronicles genealogy to their redefinition, allows us to address the Bible’s dependence upon the lens the Chronicles genealogy imposes upon it.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document