GREBEG MAULUD DALAM REPRESENTASI BUSANA DAN MOTIF BATIK DI KERATON YOGYAKARTA

CORAK ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renta Vulkanita Hasan

Culture growing in Indonesia and overseas intrinsically dynamic. Nature of culture as a result of human creativity is always moving and displacement. When his journey to the vibrant place anyway, culture is likely to mix with the native culture which then grow and develop into a new culture. Culture is a strong factor that affects the mindset. Over time, society has a way of looking at the world deal, behave, and interact with each other. In other words, they have their own color and pattern of the deal while making rules in social life. Yogyakarta in Java, which is known as one of the cultural centers of Java development, especially ritual Grebeg Maulud. Ritual Grebeg Maulud over time reflecting the constantly changing movement of social change, culture, politics, economics and society in his day. Ritual is a means of connecting Grebeg Maulud transcendental between man and God (Manunggaling Kawula-Gusti) and guidance from the teachings of the holy book (Islam). But this time Grebeg Maulud also has another function, namely as a spectacle. This suggests a cultural shift from the sacred to the profane. Batik as a dress code in the Carnival celebrations Grebeg Maulud is one reflection of the existence of culture in Yogyakarta Palace. The use of batik in a ritual procession Grebeg Maulud is a tradition that continues to this day. Batik palace is considered one of the symbols of the existence of power relations by creating a specific motive for a particular class. Dynamism of culture led to the use of batik is not only a marker of power relations, but also as an exciting treat for the fashion show at the Carnival lasts Grebeg Maulud.Keyword: Grebeg, Maulud, representations, clothing, batik, palace, Yogyakarta

CORAK ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renta Vulkanita Hasan

Culture growing in Indonesia and overseas intrinsically dynamic. Nature of culture as a result ofhuman creativity is always moving and displacement. When his journey to the vibrant place anyway,culture is likely to mix with the native culture which then grow and develop into a new culture.Culture is a strong factor that affects the mindset. Over time, society has a way of looking at theworld deal, behave, and interact with each other. In other words, they have their own color andpattern of the deal while making rules in social life. Yogyakarta in Java, which is known as one of thecultural centers of Java development, especially ritual Grebeg Maulud. Ritual Grebeg Maulud overtime reflecting the constantly changing movement of social change, culture, politics, economics andsociety in his day. Ritual is a means of connecting Grebeg Maulud transcendental between man andGod (Manunggaling Kawula-Gusti) and guidance from the teachings of the holy book (Islam). But thistime Grebeg Maulud also has another function, namely as a spectacle. This suggests a cultural shiftfrom the sacred to the profane. Batik as a dress code in the Carnival celebrations Grebeg Maulud isone reflection of the existence of culture in Yogyakarta Palace. The use of batik in a ritual processionGrebeg Maulud is a tradition that continues to this day. Batik palace is considered one of the symbolsof the existence of power relations by creating a specific motive for a particular class. Dynamism ofculture led to the use of batik is not only a marker of power relations, but also as an exciting treat forthe fashion show at the Carnival lasts Grebeg Maulud. Keyword: Grebeg, Maulud, representations, clothing, batik, palace, Yogyakarta


Ethnography ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sinikka Elliott ◽  
Josephine Ngo McKelvy ◽  
Sarah Bowen

In this paper, we reflect on how time is appraised, organized, and managed by a group of researchers conducting an ethnography of 12 low-income families. We develop the concept of temporal dispositions: perceptions and preferences around time that in turn shape temporal practices. The concept of temporal dispositions encapsulates individuals’ background and training, agency and reflexivity, and the dynamic nature of ongoing social life and interactions through which temporal meanings may change or take on new symbolic weight. Overlaid upon each of these are larger social structures and power relations that affirm some temporal dispositions and stigmatize others. We conclude by considering the implications for ethnographic fieldworkers. We argue that analyzing the many ways researchers and participants navigate and perceive time offers insight into unspoken temporal assumptions, ideologies, and inequalities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-168
Author(s):  
Andrew Tobolowsky

Scholars are increasingly aware of the dynamic nature of the interaction between the nine-chapter-long genealogy that begins the book of Chronicles and its source material. However, little attention has been paid to the role this interaction might have played in the creation of some key biblical ideas, particularly in the “eponymous imagination” of the tribes as literally the sons of Jacob. Through comparison with scholarly approaches to the pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women and an investigation into the ramifications for biblical studies of ethnic theory and historical memory on the fluidity of ethnicity and memory over time, this article seeks to reassess the dynamic power of the Chronicles genealogy as an ethnic charter for the elites of Persian Yehud. Focus on the distinctive imagination of Israel in the crucial narratives in the book of Genesis, as compared with narratives elsewhere in the primary history, and the contributions of the Chronicles genealogy to their redefinition, allows us to address the Bible’s dependence upon the lens the Chronicles genealogy imposes upon it.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1468795X2110220
Author(s):  
Manuel Castells

Power relations are the source of social organization and institutions. This has been observed and theorized by the author in relation to various realms of social life, such as the formation of spatial structures and the networking of human activities around digital communication networks.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 890-891
Author(s):  
Yingzhi Xu ◽  
Zahra Rahmaty ◽  
Eleanor McConnell ◽  
Tingzhong (Michelle) Xue ◽  
Bada Kang ◽  
...  

Abstract Multimorbidity resilience may mitigate the adverse effects of multiple chronic diseases on older adults’ health. Wister et al.’s (2018) multimorbidity resilience index was developed and tested in a cross-sectional sample of older adults in Canada. Building on these findings, we examined the reciprocal relationships of resilience on outcomes to test these potentially mitigating effects in a community-based, U.S. sample of older adults over time. The study sample includes 1,054 older adults from waves 2 and 3 of the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project (NSHAP) study (Waite et al 2020). Wister et al.’s (2018) index was mapped to NSHAP measures, and reciprocal relationships of multimorbidity resilience and health outcomes over a 5-year period was tested using structural equation modeling (SEM). Results indicated significant effects of multimorbidity resilience on self-rated physical health and pain. Interestingly, a better functional resilience at baseline conferred better self-rated physical health at follow-up, while better psychological resilience predicted lower pain level. By contrast, the influence of health outcomes on any domain of multimorbidity resilience was not detectable at all, supporting the direction of these associations from resilience to outcomes. The study systematically investigated the dynamic hypotheses between multimorbidity resilience and health outcomes. That is, whether they are determinants or consequences, or both. Our findings suggest multimorbidity resilience predicts subsequent 5-year change in health outcomes, especially self-rated physical health and pain level, but not vice versa, strengthening the evidence of the importance of resilience in the health of older adults.


ATLAS JOURNAL ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (40) ◽  
pp. 1740-1758
Author(s):  
Kayhan ATİK

The need for cover is a requirement in all parts of the world. More or less this need has been realized in almost every society. In addition, clothing is one of the basic needs of human beings. This basic need has become a pleasure over time, and the temporary innovation that has entered the life of society with the desire to dress completely or the need for change has turned into an excessive, common indulgence shown by the society for a certain period of time. When we evaluate clothing in terms of nations, it has gained very different meanings with the effect of the cultural structure of the society. Considering this situation in the context of civilizations, of course, we can say that it has presented a similar privilege. In short, every society has made its dress code suitable for its culture and civilization. As in the rest of the world, the robes, dresses, turbans and fabrics of the Ottoman sultans showed themselves clearly as an indicator of the position, wealth and status. Especially caftans, fabrics and patterns, each one is a masterpiece of art. Despite having a simple form according to researches, Ottoman caftans have a very magnificent appearance and beauty. The decorations made for these caftans, lining and moldings, fur ornaments, ornaments made with buttons are very perfect. These caftans have aroused the admiration of the whole world with their fabric, motif and splendor, and many researches have been done on these caftans, which have been exhibited and preserved in various local and foreign museums. The sultan's clothes in the Topkapı Palace Museum Sultan's Clothes Archive consist of approximately 2500 pieces. Most of these are hilat, robes and shalwars. In addition, although it is less, there are also children's (prince's) clothes, so there are no women's clothes. RESEARCH ARTICLE ATLAS Journal International Refereed Journal On Social Sciences e-ISSN:2619-936X Arrival Date : 19.03.2021 Published Date : 30.04.2021 2021, Vol:7, Issue:40 pp: 1740- 1758 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.31568/atlas.676 ATLAS INTERNATIONAL REFEREED JOURNAL ON SOCIAL SCIENCES Year: 2021 Vol:7 Issue: 40 1740 Here, 21 caftans belonging to Fatih Sultan Mehmet, 77 caftans belonging to Suleiman the Magnificent, 13 caftans belonging to I. Ahmet, II. 30 caftans belonging to Osman, IV. While it is known that there were 27 caftans belonging to Murat, the caftans belonging to six rulers before Fatih Sultan Mehmet were not mentioned by name. In this study, the money spent for the clothes of the sultan in the Archives of the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives, Topkapı Palace Museum, the cocks and dresses that the sultan had to buy from the council; In dâbü's-sâ, we will focus on the kafân, sarık, other items and values that are deserved by the landlords, the palace-i Atiq aghas, the boys, the Treasury, the cellar, the lords of the Voyage rooms and the people in charge. Keywords: Ottoman, Sultan, Bureaucrat, Clothes, Fabric, Special Items.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-292
Author(s):  
Cemal Özel

In this study, the Byzantine image in the religious and literary texts produced by Muslim societies in the first four centuries of the Hijra has been examined in terms of historical process. To this end, first, a theoretical basis has been established within the framework of the concepts of identity, difference, other, and othering. Then, the imagery of Byzantium is analyzed through the interpretation of the first five verses of the Surah Rûm, with regards to naming, politics, religion, culture, science, philosophy, art and women's descriptions. The main argument of the study is that the Byzantine image of Muslims cannot be addressed independent of the relationships established with Byzantium. From a historical point of view, it is seen that the image of Byzantium, which was initially positive, turned into negative depending on the course of relations and was balanced over time in terms of change, while the style and content of political and political imagery varied, there is very little variation in descriptions of social life with regards to Constantinople, Byzantine craftsmanship, family life and women. While the Qur'an and the Sunnah culture formed the basis of the Byzantine perception in the early days, political developments became dominant over time. On the other hand, Muslims did not deal with Byzantium in a monolithic, shallow and reductive way, but they used the distinction between “us” and “them” to improve the image of Islam and reinforce Muslim identity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 102 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linford D. Fisher

Fortunately, the two travelers arrived before sunset. Earlier in the day, on 5 May 1674, John Eliot and Daniel Gookin had set out from Boston for Wamesit, the northernmost of the fourteen Indian “praying towns” within the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and the one most subjected to retaliatory attacks from raiding bands of Mohawks in the previous few years. Upon safe arrival, the Englishmen greeted their Pennacook friends and gathered as many as they could at the wigwam of Wannalancet, the head sachem of Wamesit, where Eliot, the aging missionary to the Indians, proceeded to talk about the meaning of the parable of the marriage of the king's son in Matthew 22:1—4. Wannalancet, according to Gookin, was a “sober and grave person, and of years, between fifty and sixty”; he had from the beginning been “loving and friendly to the English,” and in return they had tried to encourage him to embrace Christianity. Although the English missionaries would have desired him to readily accept the gospel message they preached, Wannalancet voluntarily incorporated Christian practices slowly, over time, without necessarily repudiating his native culture and traditional religious practices.1 For four years Wannalancet “had been willing to hear the word of God preached”; when Eliot or other missionaries made their periodic visits to Wamesit, Wannalancet made sure he was there. Over time, Wannalancet adopted the English practices of keeping the Sabbath, learning to go to any available meeting or instruction, fellowshipping, and refraining from various activities proscribed by the town's praying leaders. Despite all that, however, the English missionaries still complained that he “hath stood off” since he had “not yielded up himself personally.”2


2019 ◽  
pp. 213-216
Author(s):  
Paul Robinson

This concluding chapter argues that Russian conservatism is a response to the pressures of modernization and Westernization and, more recently, globalization. For the past two centuries, conservatives have sought to adapt to these pressures while preserving national identity and political and social stability. Although the specific policies being proposed have changed over time, conservatism's approach to change has remained consistent. In this way, Russian conservatism today evinces a clear continuity with Russian conservatism of the past. In particular, Russian conservatives have continually proposed forms of cultural, political, and economic development that are seen as building on existing traditions, identity, and forms of government and economic and social life, rather than being imposed on the basis of abstract theory and foreign models.


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