scholarly journals Violence, Rumor, and Elusive Trust in Mocímboa da Praia, Mozambique

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Ana Margarida Sousa Santos
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Trust Relationships ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Way ◽  
Violent Events

The riots of 2005 in Mocímboa da Praia and the current violent attacks in Cabo Delgado province have resulted in a range of unsettling rumors. This article revisits the riots and their aftermath to make sense of the rumors that have spread since then, fueling fears of violence and uncertainty. These disconcerting rumors are especially rich in what they tell us about the perception of the political Other and the narratives that materialize following violent events. The way in which rumors circulated and were believed or discarded draws a rough picture of the local political arena. This article discusses the elusive nature of trust following sudden violence and addresses the role and relevance of rumors as an obstacle to the creation of peaceful trust relationships.

Citizenship, Migration, and Confessional Democracy in Lebanon

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thibaut Jaulin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Citizenship Regime ◽  
The Way

No major citizenship reform has been adopted in Lebanon since the creation of the Lebanese citizenship in 1924. Moreover, access to citizenship for foreign residents does not depend on established administrative rules and processes, but instead on ad hoc political decisions. The Lebanese citizenship regime is thus characterized by immobilism and discretion. This paper looks at the relationship between citizenship regime and confessional democracy, defined as a system of power sharing between different religious groups. It argues that confessional democracy hinders citizenship reform and paves the way to arbitrary naturalization practices, and that, in turn, the citizenship regime contributes to the resilience of the political system. In other words, the citizenship regime and the political system are mutually reinforcing.

Theater und Politik als Weg zur Integration

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christiane Lemke ◽  
Amalia Sdroulia
Keyword(s):  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Backgrounds ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Written Texts ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Stage Performance ◽  
The Way

Since the creation of the theater, the theater stage has been closely connected to the political. Can theater play also pave the way for integration? In this book, amateur actors from different language and cultural backgrounds develop a play based on their own experiences with flight, alienation and starting new. The authors present suggestions for the instructional processing of self-written texts, exercises for testing different forms of expressions of the body as well as practical tips for the stage performance. Interviews with participating migrants, refugees and German students about their experiences with theater and integration in their daily lives complete the text.

scholarly journals Georgy Ivanov on the “Vial of Poison” by Konstantin Leontiev

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Natalia Solntseva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Russian People ◽  
Way Of Thinking ◽  
Younger Generation ◽  
New Generation ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Way

The article is devoted to the analysis of G. Ivanov’s judgments about K. Leontiev. The sharpness of Ivanov’s statements is explained by the similarity of Leontiev’s views with the ideology of a new generation of emigrants, including members of the fairly mass party of “mladorosses” (young Russians). From the point of view of Ivanov, Leontiev’s political convictions in many ways contain a danger for the formation of the worldview of contemporaries. Leontiev’s idea that liberal-egalitarian progress would lead to the collapse of the Empire was combined with his belief in the possibility of protective socialism in Russia and a socialist monarch, blessed by the Church. The “mladorosses” were social monarchists who believed that with the older generation of Bolsheviks leaving the political arena, Bolshevism would come to an end; they saw the Soviets without the Bolsheviks as a promising form of self-government. In the political activization of the younger generation of emigrants, their way of thinking, Ivanov was not satisfied with the opposition to the ideals of the old emigration. He considered the ideas of the “new Russian people” contradictory and illusory, and expressed his beliefs in a number of articles. The deceptive hope of emigrants for the Soviets without the Bolsheviks is the motif of the famous poem “The way is Free under Thermopylae...” Ivanov created a complex, contradictory portrait of Leontiev; he is partly close to the opinion of N. Berdyaev, S. Bulgakov, V. Rozanov in his assessments of Leontiev’s human qualities and judgments.

The Global Visa Regime and the Political Technologies of the International Self: Borders, Bodies, Biopolitics

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark B. Salter
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Mobile Populations ◽  
International Borders ◽  
Global Mobility ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Technology ◽  
Individual Body ◽  
The Way

This article examines the micropolitics of the border by tracing the interface between government and individual body. In the first act of confession before the vanguard of governmental machinery, the border examination is crucial to both the operation of the global mobility regime and of sovereign power. The visa and passport systems are tickets that allow temporary and permanent membership in the community, and the border represents the limit of the community. The nascent global mobility regime through passport, visa, and frontier formalities manage an international population through and within a biopolitical frame and a confessionary complex that creates bodies that understand themselves to be international. The author charts the way that an international biopolitical order is constructed through the creation, classification, and contention of a surveillance regime and an international political technology of the individual that is driven by the globalization of a documentary, biometric, and confessionary regime. The global visa regime and international borders are crucial in constructing both international mobile populations and international mobile individuals.

Introduction

Iraq ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Governing Institutions ◽  
The Way

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the political development of Iraq from the inception of the state in 1921 to the post-2003 years of political and societal turmoil. Its premise is that from the very beginning of the state the Iraqi project in fact devolved into three undertakings: the consolidation of the state and its governing institutions, the legitimization of the state through the framing of democratic structures, and the creation of an overarching, and thus unifying, national identity. The book is different from other studies of Iraq's political history, in that it traces the development of each of the three projects of governance, democracy, and national identity separately, while at the same time highlighting the way they impacted and shaped one another. The remainder of the chapter discusses the roots of the predicament of post-2003 Iraq.

Chola Invasion of Bengal

1935 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-666
Author(s):  
A. C. Banerji
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Tenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern India ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Northern India ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way

The latter part of the tenth century of the Christian era gradually ushered in a new epoch in the history of India. In northern India the old kingdoms, which had dominated the political arena so long, made their exit, and new powers rose to take their place. The struggle between the Gurjaras and the Rāshṭrakuṭas ended fatally for both the contending parties. The great empire of Bhoja and Mahendrapāla had shrunk into the little principality of Kanauj. Its place was taken by the Chāndellas, the Haihayas, and the Chāhamānas, etc. The Pāla empire, too, in eastern India, had fallen on evil days. The land south of the Vindhyas was no exception from this. The Cholas of Tanjore who were to reach the height of their glory in the succeeding century, were gradually consolidating their position in the extreme south. While a new Chālukya dynasty claiming relationship with the older one eclipsed the supremacy of the Rāshṭrakuṭas in the Deccan. The history of the tenth and eleventh century a.d. is full of internecine warfare, which paved the way for Muslim conquest of India.

scholarly journals ‘Bound hand and foot and handed over to the caste Hindus’: Ambedkar, untouchability and the politics of Partition

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesús Francisco Cháirez-Garza
Keyword(s):  
Good Faith ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Way

This article examines B. R. Ambedkar’s dramatically shifting politics in the years prior to Partition. In 1940, he supported the creation of Pakistan. In 1946, he joined Winston Churchill in his demands to delay independence. Yet, in 1947, Ambedkar rejected Pakistan and joined the Nehru administration. Traditional narratives explain these changes as part of Ambedkar’s political pragmatism. It is believed that such pragmatism, along with Gandhi’s good faith, helped Ambedkar to secure a place in Nehru’s Cabinet. In contrast, I argue that Ambedkar changed his attitude towards Congress due to the political transformations elicited by Partition. Ambedkar approached Congress as a last resort to maintain a political space for Dalits in independent India. This, however, was unsuccessful. Partition not only saw the birth of two countries but also virtually eliminated the histories of resistance of political minorities that did not fall under the Hindu–Muslim binary, such as Dalits. In the case of Ambedkar, his past as a critic of Gandhi and Congress was erased in favour of the more palatable image of him as the father of the constitution. This essay reconfigures our understanding of Partition by showing how the promise of Pakistan shaped the way we remember Ambedkar.

scholarly journals “Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Una perspectiva comparada sobre la historia colombiana

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Mary Luz Sandoval Robayo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Historical Institutionalism ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Way

ResumenDesde la perspectiva del institucionalismo histórico la obra de Collier y Collier representa un paradigma de estudio comparativo en el campo de la ciencia política y de la propia historia. Los autores estudian el surgimiento de las distintas formas de control y movilización de la clase obrera a través del Estado y de los partidos y buscan explicar las distintas trayectorias y los cambios de la arena política en cada uno de los países seleccionados. El presente artículo busca dar a conocer los rasgos más sobresalientes de esta teoría, la aplicación al caso de Colombia, las imprecisiones históricas y problemas del método.  Palabras clave: Incorporación de la clase obrera, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” by Collier and Collier (1991). A compared perspective about colombian historyAbstractFrom the perspective of historical institutionalism the work of Collier and Collier represents a paradigm of comparative study in the field of political science and in the field of history itself. The authors discuss the emergence of various forms of control and mobilization of the working class through the state and political parties and seek to explain different trajectories and changes in the political arena in each of the selected countries. This article seeks to present the most salient of this theory, the way it was applied to the case of Colombia, its historical inaccuracies and its methodological problems.Key words: Incorporation of the Working Class, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Uma perspectiva comparada sobre a história colombianaResumoDesde a perspectiva da institucionalidade histórica, a obra de Collier e Collier representa um paradigma de estudo comparativo no campo da ciência politica e da própria história. Os autores estudam o surgimento das distintas formas de controle e mobilização da classe operária através do Estado e dos partidos e buscam explicar as distintas trajetórias e as mudanças na área política em cada um dos países selecionados. O presente artigo busca apresentar os traços mais destacados de esta teoria, a forma como foi aplicada no caso de Colômbia e as imprecisões históricas sobre este caso, dada a preocupação dos autores por gerar um modelo “elegante” em termos históricos. Além disso, se expõe uma interpretação alterna sobre este período da história nacional a traves da introdução dos eventos fundamentais que tiveram lugar nas fases propostas pelo modelo.Palavras chave: Incorporação da classe operária Colômbia, Collier and Collier.

scholarly journals The Nuclear Power Renaissance in the Uk:Democratic Deficiencies within the ‘Consensus’ on Sustainability

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Johnstone
Keyword(s):  
Public Engagement ◽  
Nuclear Power ◽  
Shared Vision ◽  
The Political ◽  
Planning Commission ◽  
Consultative Process ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Sustainable Futures ◽  
The Way

This paper focuses on New Labour's policy towards the nuclear renaissance. It places this policy in the context of wider discussions on the democratic implications of the new constellations of governance emerging from the drive towards more sustainable futures. The paper identifies two crucial developments within the nuclear renaissance: firstly, the controversy surrounding the consultative process in 2006 and 2007; and secondly, the creation of new ‘efficient’ and ‘streamlined’ planning procedures through the establishment of the Planning Act 2008 and The Infrastructure and Planning Commission (IPC). The article builds on work which seeks to bring together questions of ‘democracy’ and ‘the political’ within discussions on ‘sustainability’. It argues that an understanding of these moments can only be properly established through an analysis of the wider discursive frame of ‘sustainability’ in which nuclear has been reinvented, and the way it has been utilized as a strategic tool of governing. The apparent ‘consensus’ on sustainability appears to foreclose discussions on multiple and divergent political imaginaries into a single shared vision. This is symptomatic of the wider conditions of the post-political and the post-democratic, where debate is reduced to managerial and technocratic particularities in which, regardless of public engagement, nuclear power becomes an ‘inevitability’.

scholarly journals Gender clashes and faux pas. the political diaries of Ulla Lindström, Swedish minister in 1954-66

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. GP24-GP44
Author(s):  
Gunnel Karlsson
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The Press ◽  
Hillary Rodham Clinton ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Way

Gender clashes and faux pasThe political diaries of Ulla Lindström, Swedish minister in 1954-66                                                                                                             The political diaries of Ulla Lindström caused a great sensation when published in 1969, three years after her resignation as Swedish minister without portfolio. She was the only woman minister in the Swedish government from 1954 to 1966, and her career had, according to the press, been characterized by faux pas or, as one reviewer of her diaries wrote: “(t)he silly Ulla /…/ of the botches, bodges, and gaffes.” He added that he himself had helped to write her down “with both malice and recklessness.” He was, however, not the only journalist putting down Ulla Lindström. A particular discourse or way of describing Ulla Lindström’s political persona was developed in the Swedish press during Lindström’s ministerial career. She started as the good-looking “pin-up girl” of the Parliament and ended up as the “shrew” of the party, the faux pas queen who was too talkative and thus in need of a muzzle. She was constructed as deviant, both as a woman and as a politician.In her political diaries Ulla Lindström herself compared the way she and her male colleagues were portrayed in the press. In my paper I will compare Lindström’s own political persona with the persona created in the press asking what was behind the creation of the “faux pas queen”. Genuskrockar och fadäser.Statsrådet Ulla Lindströms politiska dagböcker Såsom åtskillig forskning visat har det varit svårt för politiskt aktiva kvinnor att förena de motstridiga krav som ställts på dem som handlingskraftiga politiker och ”riktiga” kvinnor. Inom massmedieforskning används ofta ordet persona för att beskriva den personlighet som en politiker iscensätter på den offentliga arenan, en politisk persona. Problemet för politiker är att det i massmedia ofta skapas en annan persona än den som politikern själv iscensätter, så beskriver t ex en forskare hur en ”false persona” av Hillary Rodham Clinton skapades under den så kallade Whitewateraffären (Cit efter van Zoonen 2005:100).      Pressens bild av Ulla Lindström som ett pratigt och beskäftigt statsråd, vars karriär präglades av grodor, fadäser och klavertramp, kan ses som ett sätt att ”skapa” en politisk persona och med den en diskurs; ett specifikt sätt att tala och skriva om regeringens enda kvinnliga minister åren 1954-66. När Ulla Lindström efter sin avgång 1966 publicerade de politiska dagböcker hon fört under sin statsrådstid var ett av hennes motiv sannolikt att hon ville ge sin version, dvs skapa sin egen politiska persona som motvikt mot den bild som skapats av henne i pressen.  I mitt bidrag skall jag ge exempel på hur Ulla Lindström skapades som politisk persona och hur hon själv såg på eller tolkade den bild som gavs av henne.

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