scholarly journals USA's Pivot to Asia and China's Global Rebalancing through BRI

2018 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf ◽  
Inam Ullah ◽  
Noor Fatima

Since the announcement of "US pivot to Asia" and "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI), both remained a center of debate in international politics, both regional and global, policymaking, academia, news both print and electronic media. Many people, including academic experts, researchers, have written about the USA pivot to Asia and BRI initiative from different perspectives. This research paper is an attempt to bring the understanding of the complexity of networked relationships between the two major powers, the US and China. Moreover, attempts have been made to explore the notion of BRI and AIIB that whether it will be prone or not towards the US "Pivot to Asia" policy, especially in the vast Indo Pacific region. The paper comprises of three parts; the first part of the paper is an introductory one which is mainly focused on the brief explanation of the USA pivot to Asia and the BRI project of China. Secondly, the main body of the paper contains the significance of the Indo-Pacific region and illustrates that how the region has been using as a centre for great power politics? Why the US maximize its sphere of influence, and how China respond to the US interplay? Where does ASEAN stand in the interplay of great power play in the region? In the final part, the whole research work has concluded.

2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Inam Ullah ◽  
Abida Yousaf ◽  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf

Since the announcement of “US pivot to Asia” and “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI), both remained a center of debate in international politics both regional and global, policy making, academia, news both print and electronic media. Many people including academic experts, researchers, have written about USA pivot to Asia and BRI initiative from different perspectives. This research paper as an attempt to bring the understanding of the complexity of networked relationships between the two major powers the US and China. Moreover, attempts have been made to explore the notion of BRI and AIIB that whether it will be prone or not towards the US “Pivot to Asia” policy especially in the vast Indo Pacific region. The paper contains the significance of the Indo-Pacific region and illustrates that how the region has been using as a center for great power politics. Why the US maximize its sphere of influence and how China respond into the US interplay?


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

The Obama administration announced in 2010 that the US would make a strategic foreign policy turn towards Asia i.e. China. This chapter shows that the discussion on this policy in the US is framed by a shared perception that the rise of China presents an existential challenge to the US-led world order that has prevailed since 1945. Some see conflict as an inevitable consequence of Great Power politics; others allege conflict will be unavoidable because China has regional expansionist aspirations or because China is a revisionist power that does not accept the rules of the ‘pax Americana’. The Pentagon is developing military strategies in the case of conflict with China. This chapter demonstrates that wherever the argument, starts, whether from a neocon or liberal perspective, whether concerned about the US’s economic, military or strategic position, all arrive at the same conclusion: China must be brought into line.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darwis

In June 2019, ASEAN adopted a document known as the ‘ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.’ The document provided guidelines of how ASEAN will be relevant amid the great power politics in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and how ASEAN will continue its vision of ASEAN centrality in the conduct of international relations in Southeast Asia. This article provides the foundational basis of possible research agendas related to the Indo-Pacific Region and its correlation to the regional norms of ASEAN. It concludes that several questions that have arisen in relation to the Indo-Pacific region and ASEAN includes, but not limited to; (1) what contemporary dynamics have occurred in the Indo-Pacific region? and (2) how is ASEAN still relevant in the context of the Indo-Pacific region?


2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. H. M. LING

AbstractDiscourse in the US/West that a rising China threatens world order serves no national interest or international purpose. It subscribes only to Westphalian anxieties about the Other. Drawing on Daoist dialectics, this article shows how we can reframe this issue by revealing the complicities that bind even seemingly intractable opposites, thereby undermining the rationale for violence. By recognising the ontological parity between (US/Western) Self and (Chinese/non-Western) Other, we may begin to shift IR/world politics from hegemony to engagement, the ‘tragedy’ of great power politics to the freedom of discovery and creativity.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 62-77
Author(s):  
Dylan Kissane

Australia is almost unique in international politics as it remains a Global North state geographically isolated in the south of the globe. Its northern borders fringed with states of the South, Australia has long looked to allies in its security seeking policies and in the formation of its alliances. Australia, however, is facing a choice. By using the power cycle methodology to forecast the future of global great power politics it is shown that the Global Southís China is rising in power and will soon overtake the US as the dominant global power. This article introduces the power cycle method, extrapolates forecasts from collected sampling and suggests implications for Australia of an international environment where its principal ally (the US) is no longer the predominant power.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darwis

In June 2019, ASEAN adopted a document known as the ‘ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.’ The document provided guidelines of how ASEAN will be relevant amid the great power politics in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and how ASEAN will continue its vision of ASEAN centrality in the conduct of international relations in Southeast Asia. This article provides the foundational basis of possible research agendas related to the Indo-Pacific Region and its correlation to the regional norms of ASEAN. It concludes that several questions that have arisen in relation to the Indo-Pacific region and ASEAN includes, but not limited to; (1) what contemporary dynamics have occurred in the Indo-Pacific region? and (2) how is ASEAN still relevant in the context of the Indo-Pacific region?


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (5) ◽  
pp. 1317-1333
Author(s):  
Norrin M Ripsman

Abstract Commercial liberalism would suggest that whereas globalization was conducive to great power cooperation—or at least moderated competition—deglobalization is likely to ignite greater competition amongst the Great Powers. In reality, however, the picture is much more complex. To begin with, the intense globalization of the 1990s and 2000s is not responsible for moderating Great Power tensions; instead, it is itself a product of the security situation resulting from the end of the Cold War. Furthermore, while globalization did serve to reinforce cooperation between the United States and rising challengers, such as China, which sought to harness the economic gains of globalization to accelerate their rise, it also created or intensified fault-lines that have led to heightening tensions between the Great Powers. Finally, while we are currently witnessing increasing tensions between the US and both China and Russia, deglobalization does not appear to be the primary cause. Thus, geoeconomic conditions do not drive security relations; instead, the geoeconomic environment, which is itself influenced by Great Power politics, is better understood as a medium of Great Power competition, which may affect the character of Great Power competition and its intensity, but does not determine it.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002234332096338
Author(s):  
David S Siroky ◽  
Milos Popovic ◽  
Nikola Mirilovic

Recognition of aspiring states from established countries is central to becoming a member state of the international system. Previous research suggests that great power recognition decisions regarding aspiring states rapidly converge toward either recognition or non-recognition, yet great power convergence has still not occurred in the case of Kosovo after more than ten years. Unilateral secessions typically remain wholly unrecognized, since they violate the norm of home state consent, yet Kosovo has now been recognized by more than 100 countries. Why do some countries extend recognition to unilateral secessions, and do so early, whereas others delay recognition or withhold it altogether? In the case of Kosovo, great power influence and contestation, rather than convergence, have played a key role in shaping recognition decisions. We argue that countries in the US sphere of influence, with strong economic and military ties, are more likely to recognize Kosovo and to do so relatively fast, whereas countries influenced by Russia are less likely to recognize Kosovo at all, or to do so only after an extended delay. However, great powers are not equal in influencing other states to adopt their preferred position, since the USA is more powerful than Russia and can benefit from working alongside allies within the Western-oriented world order. We estimate a non-proportional Cox model with new time-varying data on Kosovo recognition and provide evidence that US military ties influenced other countries in extending recognition to unilateral secession.


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