scholarly journals USA’s Pivot to Asia and China’s Global Rebalancing through BRI

2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Inam Ullah ◽  
Abida Yousaf ◽  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Global Policy ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Pivot To Asia ◽  
The Us ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
Sphere Of Influence

Since the announcement of “US pivot to Asia” and “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI), both remained a center of debate in international politics both regional and global, policy making, academia, news both print and electronic media. Many people including academic experts, researchers, have written about USA pivot to Asia and BRI initiative from different perspectives. This research paper as an attempt to bring the understanding of the complexity of networked relationships between the two major powers the US and China. Moreover, attempts have been made to explore the notion of BRI and AIIB that whether it will be prone or not towards the US “Pivot to Asia” policy especially in the vast Indo Pacific region. The paper contains the significance of the Indo-Pacific region and illustrates that how the region has been using as a center for great power politics. Why the US maximize its sphere of influence and how China respond into the US interplay?

scholarly journals USA's Pivot to Asia and China's Global Rebalancing through BRI

2018 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf ◽  
Inam Ullah ◽  
Noor Fatima
Keyword(s):  
Research Work ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Main Body ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Pivot To Asia ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
Sphere Of Influence

Since the announcement of "US pivot to Asia" and "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI), both remained a center of debate in international politics, both regional and global, policymaking, academia, news both print and electronic media. Many people, including academic experts, researchers, have written about the USA pivot to Asia and BRI initiative from different perspectives. This research paper is an attempt to bring the understanding of the complexity of networked relationships between the two major powers, the US and China. Moreover, attempts have been made to explore the notion of BRI and AIIB that whether it will be prone or not towards the US "Pivot to Asia" policy, especially in the vast Indo Pacific region. The paper comprises of three parts; the first part of the paper is an introductory one which is mainly focused on the brief explanation of the USA pivot to Asia and the BRI project of China. Secondly, the main body of the paper contains the significance of the Indo-Pacific region and illustrates that how the region has been using as a centre for great power politics? Why the US maximize its sphere of influence, and how China respond to the US interplay? Where does ASEAN stand in the interplay of great power play in the region? In the final part, the whole research work has concluded.

America’s exceptional empire

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Woodward
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
The Us ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
Strategic Position ◽  
The Rise Of China ◽  
Line P ◽  
Liberal Perspective

The Obama administration announced in 2010 that the US would make a strategic foreign policy turn towards Asia i.e. China. This chapter shows that the discussion on this policy in the US is framed by a shared perception that the rise of China presents an existential challenge to the US-led world order that has prevailed since 1945. Some see conflict as an inevitable consequence of Great Power politics; others allege conflict will be unavoidable because China has regional expansionist aspirations or because China is a revisionist power that does not accept the rules of the ‘pax Americana’. The Pentagon is developing military strategies in the case of conflict with China. This chapter demonstrates that wherever the argument, starts, whether from a neocon or liberal perspective, whether concerned about the US’s economic, military or strategic position, all arrive at the same conclusion: China must be brought into line.

The Ubiquity of Oil

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Rosemary A. Kelanic
Keyword(s):  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Systematic Framework

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the relationship between oil and great power politics. For over a hundred years, oil has been ubiquitous as both an object of political intrigue and a feature of everyday life, yet its effects on the behavior of major powers remain poorly understood. This book focuses on one particular aspect of oil: its coercive potential. Across time and space, great powers have feared that dependence on imported petroleum might make them vulnerable to coercion by hostile actors. They worry that an enemy could cut off oil to weaken them militarily or punish them economically, and then use this threat as a basis for political blackmail. Oil is so essential to great powers that taking a state's imports hostage could give an enemy significant leverage in a dispute. The book presents the first systematic framework to understand how fears of oil coercion shape international affairs. Great powers counter prospective threats with costly and risky policies that lessen vulnerability, ideally, before the country can be targeted. These measures, which can be called “anticipatory strategies,” vary enormously, from self-sufficiency efforts to actions as extreme as launching wars.

Oil and the Future of Great Power Politics

2020 ◽  
pp. 173-182
Author(s):  
Rosemary A. Kelanic
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Indirect Control ◽  
The Future ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
The Belt And Road

This concluding chapter explores the implications of the theory for great power politics as China continues to rise in the twenty-first century. If significant quantities of Persian Gulf oil could be realistically transported overland, away from U.S. naval interference, then the future threat to Chinese imports would remain low. Combined with a petroleum deficit that is likely to be large, Chinese coercive vulnerability could be held to a moderate level. Moderate coercive vulnerability should induce China to pursue indirect control as it emerges as a great power. Thus, the theory predicts that China is likely to eventually forge alliances with major oil-producing countries and transit states to keep oil in “friendly hands.” As yet, China is too militarily weak to shield friendly oil-producing states from interference by the United States or other potential rivals, but the beginnings of an alliance-based strategy appear to be taking shape under the auspices of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), described by some analysts as a nascent framework for twenty-first-century Chinese grand strategy.

scholarly journals ASEAN and the Contemporary Geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific Region: Agenda for Future Research

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darwis
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
Research Agendas

In June 2019, ASEAN adopted a document known as the ‘ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.’ The document provided guidelines of how ASEAN will be relevant amid the great power politics in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and how ASEAN will continue its vision of ASEAN centrality in the conduct of international relations in Southeast Asia. This article provides the foundational basis of possible research agendas related to the Indo-Pacific Region and its correlation to the regional norms of ASEAN. It concludes that several questions that have arisen in relation to the Indo-Pacific region and ASEAN includes, but not limited to; (1) what contemporary dynamics have occurred in the Indo-Pacific region? and (2) how is ASEAN still relevant in the context of the Indo-Pacific region?

Indonesia and the ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific

2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dewi Fortuna Anwar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Law ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
East Asia Summit ◽  
The Us ◽  
Block Approach

Abstract Indonesia has taken a leadership role within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in drafting a common outlook on the Indo-Pacific concept. The widening of Indonesia's geostrategic canvas from the Asia–Pacific to the Indo-Pacific is in line with President Joko Widodo's intent to make Indonesia a Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). In view of the rivalry between the US and China and the emergence of various Indo-Pacific initiatives from other countries, Indonesia believes that ASEAN must try to maintain its centrality. The draft of Indonesia's perspective for an ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific: towards a peaceful, prosperous, and inclusive region was submitted for considerations by ASEAN, and after 18 months of intensive lobbying by Indonesia the concept was finally adopted at the ASEAN Summit in June 2019. The ASEAN outlook promotes the principles of openness, inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law and ASEAN centrality in the Indo-Pacific region. It proposes a building-block approach, seeking commonalities between existing regional initiatives in which ASEAN-led mechanisms will act as a fulcrum for both norm-setting and concrete cooperation. Rather than creating a new regional architecture, the East Asia Summit (EAS) is proposed as the platform for advancing the Indo-Pacific discourse and cooperation. Indonesia's ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific marks its renewed foreign policy activism as a middle power and underlines the continuing importance that Indonesia places on ASEAN as the cornerstone of its foreign policy, emphasising ASEAN's centrality as the primary vehicle for managing relations with the major powers in the Indo-Pacific region.

scholarly journals Worlds beyond Westphalia: Daoist dialectics and the ‘China threat’

2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. H. M. LING
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
The Us ◽  
Great Power Politics ◽  
Rising China ◽  
China Threat ◽  
Us West

AbstractDiscourse in the US/West that a rising China threatens world order serves no national interest or international purpose. It subscribes only to Westphalian anxieties about the Other. Drawing on Daoist dialectics, this article shows how we can reframe this issue by revealing the complicities that bind even seemingly intractable opposites, thereby undermining the rationale for violence. By recognising the ontological parity between (US/Western) Self and (Chinese/non-Western) Other, we may begin to shift IR/world politics from hegemony to engagement, the ‘tragedy’ of great power politics to the freedom of discovery and creativity.

scholarly journals The southern North faces the northern South

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 62-77
Author(s):  
Dylan Kissane
Keyword(s):  
South Australia ◽  
Great Power ◽  
The South ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Power Cycle ◽  
Global Power ◽  
International Environment ◽  
The Us ◽  
Global North ◽  
Great Power Politics

Australia is almost unique in international politics as it remains a Global North state geographically isolated in the south of the globe. Its northern borders fringed with states of the South, Australia has long looked to allies in its security seeking policies and in the formation of its alliances. Australia, however, is facing a choice. By using the power cycle methodology to forecast the future of global great power politics it is shown that the Global Southís China is rising in power and will soon overtake the US as the dominant global power. This article introduces the power cycle method, extrapolates forecasts from collected sampling and suggests implications for Australia of an international environment where its principal ally (the US) is no longer the predominant power.

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