scholarly journals China’s Contemporary Foreign Policy Behavior: An Analysis through Realist, Liberal & Constructive Perspectives

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 238-244
Author(s):  
Asif Farooq ◽  
Umbreen Javaid

China’s tremendous rise will certainly be one of the major turbulent of the current century. Chinese leadership has already astonished the world with its economic development and active diplomacy. It is apparent that there will be a greater increase in Chinese power, influence, and involvement in regional and global affairs in future decades. We cannot envisage the exact nature of Chinese objectives and intentions in near future, however, we can proclaim that Chinese aims will be more spacious than they now are. Some observers view this increasing Chinese enthusiasm in regional affairs as a step towards regional hegemony, while others regard it as promotion of mutual understandings and economic interdependence. Some regional states are viewing Chinese policies with cautions and concerns have been raised in international community. To discuss and elaborate all these aspects of Chinese foreign policy behavior; the major paradigms like realism, liberalism, and constructivism will be explored respectively.

1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 494-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. McCormick ◽  
Young W. Kihl

In this study, we evaluate whether the increase in the number of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) has resulted in their increased use for foreign policy behavior by the nations of the world. This question is examined in three related ways: (1) the aggregate use of IGOs for foreign policy behavior; (2) the relationship between IGO membership and IGO use; and (3) the kinds of states that use IGOs. Our data base consists of the 35 nations in the CREON (Comparative Research on the Events of Nations) data set for the years 1959–1968.The main findings are that IGOs were employed over 60 percent of the time with little fluctuation on a year-by-year basis, that global and “high politics” IGOs were used more often than regional and “low politics” IGOs, that institutional membership and IGO use were generally inversely related, and that the attributes of the states had limited utility in accounting for the use of intergovernmental organizations. Some of the theoretical implications of these findings are then explored.


2011 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-504
Author(s):  
Alexander Lukin

The recent trends in Beijing?s foreign policy have become a broadly discussed topic throughout the world. China?s economic success over the last ten years has led Beijing to take a more assertive approach to China?s relationship with the outside world. This shift has manifested itself in a more hard-line approach to China?s relationship with her partners, less inclination toward compromise, and a tendency to respond to the external pressure with more pressure, to the external bumps with harder bumps. The new assertiveness of China can be understood. After all, it is merely the natural urge of a new, large, and successful regime to actively pursue its interests. At the same time, it is true that the successful economic development of the last ten years has led to the growth of nationalism among the elite. If the nationalist tendency prevails in the Chinese foreign policy, China?s neighbors, including Russia, will have to do some serious rethinking of their approach to the growing giant.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan

This article aims to explore China's foreign policy changes on the South China Sea dispute (SCS) since China has been willing to participate in regional or multilateral forums to date. This article argues that although the main characters and narratives of China’s foreign policy tend to be consistent, Chinese foreign policy behavior is changing. This study is a qualitative research that using non-numerical data sources, both primary and secondary. China's foreign policy behavior on the issue of SCS is divided into four phases. First, the passive and defensive phases. China still suspects that multilateral forums are a way of suppressing Chinese interests. Second, active phase. In this phase, China begins to believe in itself as a big and powerful country so as not to worry that multilateral forums will threaten its national security. Third, the initiative phase. China goes a step further by initiating some important multilateral initiative and multilateral breakthroughs in the long term project. Fourth, assertive phase. In this phase, China is involved in several incidents, consistent with their interests, while trying to refrain from initiating an open war. Through the change of foreign policy, China has adapted itself to contemporary international politics and has maintained its national interest in SCS.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 757-795
Author(s):  
Claude Cadart

« From the Sino-Soviet strategic project to the Sino-American strategic project » is a purposely schematic interpretative essay on the evolution of Chinese foreign policy from 1949 to 1979 with emphasis on, the latter phase of that evolution, that of the 1969—1979 period, and more particularly on the last year of that decade, 1979. The project, both defensive and offensive, of American and Chinese co-leadership of the planet that Mao had undertaken to carry out in 1971-1972 with the encouragement of Nixon had to be more or less put aside from 1973 to 1978 because of the seriousness of the domestic crises that were successively shaking both China and the United States during those years. In 1978—79, it was able to be reactivated by Deng Xiaoping who sought, with the benediction of the White House, to add an economic and a cultural dimension to Us diplomatic and strategic dimension. It is unlikely however in the near future that the United States will consider China as other than an auxiliary aspect of the fundamental game of their relations with the most powerful of their adversary-partners, the U.S.S.R. As in the case of the Sino-Soviet strategic project that China promoted from 1949 to 1959, the Sino-American strategic project that China has sought to « sell » the United States since 1969 has not, therefore, much chance of success.


Author(s):  
David M. Malone ◽  
C. Raja Mohan ◽  
Srinath Raghavan

India has emerged as a leading voice in global affairs in the past two decades. Its fast-growing domestic market largely explains the ardour with which Delhi is courted by powers great and small. India is also becoming increasingly important to global geostrategic calculations, being the only Asian country with the heft to counterbalance China over time. Nevertheless, India’s foreign policy has been relatively neglected in the existing literature. ThisHandbook, edited by three widely recognized students of the topic, provides an extensive survey of India’s external relations. The authors include leading Indian scholars and commentators of the field and several outstanding foreign scholars and practitioners. They address factors in Indian foreign policy flowing from both history and geography and also discuss key relationships, issues, and multilateral forums through which the country’s international relations are refracted.


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