scholarly journals David as the New Moses in Theology of the Books of Paralipomenon

2020 ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
Андрей Выдрин

Данная статья посвящена одной из значимых богословских концепций Книг Паралипоменон - образу царя Давида как нового Моисея. Цель статьи - выявить характерные особенности, свидетельствующие о развитии данной богословской идеи. Для этого автор рассматривает несколько эпизодов из повествования Летописца. К таким эпизодам относятся: родословные израильских колен (1 Пар. 2-9); перенесение и установление Давидом Ковчега в Иерусалиме (см. 1 Пар. 13; 15-16); перепись Давида, результатом которой становится определение места для будущего Храма (см. 1 Пар. 21); жертвоприношение Соломона в Гаваоне (2 Пар. 1), имеющее непосредственное отношение к последующему возведению Соломоном Храма (2 Пар. 2-7). Эти фрагменты свидетельствуют о том, что всё повествование Летописца о царствовании Давида и Соломона сосредоточено на процессе учреждения нового богослужебного строя Древнего Израиля, апогеем которого становится строительство Храма в Иерусалиме. Вдохновителем, организатором и устроителем представлен царь Давид. Автор публикации приходит к следующему заключению: для Летописца Давид является истинным основателем нового богослужебного строя Древнего Израиля, который стал прямым наследником древних религиозных традиций эпохи Моисея. Давид свободно изменяет и дополняет многочисленные предписания Моисея, и все последующие цари, начиная с Соломона, поддерживают и регулируют все храмовые службы согласно предписаниям Давида. Кроме того, проводя параллели между сооружением Шатра Встречи и строительством Иерусалимского Храма, Летописец усиливает преемственную связь между Древним Израилем и поколениями свидетелей строительства Второго Храма. This article is devoted to one of the important theological concepts of the books Paralipomenon - the image of king David as the new Moses. The purpose of the article is to identify the characteristic features that indicate the development of this theological idea. For this purpose the author considers several episodes from the Chronicler's narration. These episodes include: the genealogies of the Israeli tribes (1 Chr. 2-9); David's transference and establishment of the Ark in Jerusalem (1 Chr. 13:15-16); David's census, which results in the determination of the place for the future Temple (1 Chr. 21); Solomon's sacrifice at Gibeon (2 Chr. 1), which is directly related to the subsequent construction of the Temple by Solomon (2 Chr. 2-7). These fragments show that the whole story of the Chronicler about the reign of David and Solomon is focused on the process of establishing a new cult system of Ancient Israel, the apogee of which is the construction of the Temple in Jerusalem. The inspirer and the organizer represented by King David. The author of the publication comes to the following conclusion: for the Chronicler David is the true founder of the new cult system of Ancient Israel, which became the direct heir to the ancient cult traditions of the era of Moses. David freely modifies and supplements the many precepts of Moses, and all subsequent kings, beginning with Solomon, maintain and regulate all temple services according to the precepts of David. In addition, drawing parallels between the construction of the Tent of Meeting and the construction of the Jerusalem Temple, the Chronicler strengthens the continuity between Ancient Israel and the generations of witnesses of the construction of the second temple.

2019 ◽  
pp. 17-38
Author(s):  
Андрей Выдрин

В статье исследуется повествование книг Паралипоменон об учреждении царем Давидом порядка храмового ритуала (1 Пар. 23-25). Автор показывает, что, согласно мировоззрению Летописца, Иерусалимский Храм и его богослужение занимали важнейшее место в жизни древнего Израиля. Однако в послепленную эпоху в результате развития социальных и религиозных учреждений появились различные обычаи, относящиеся к служению священников и левитов, которые не соответствовали законам Пятикнижия, поэтому сознавалась острая необходимость установления преемственной связи с эпохой дарования Закона. Таким образом, Летописец легитимирует двадцать четыре священнические группы, а также гильдии храмовых певцов-музыкантов, существовавших в его время. Кроме того, писатель изменяет возраст вступления левитов на их служение при Храме. Для этой цели он по-своему интерпретирует отдельные предписания Пятикнижия, в частности сочетая ссылки на традицию и на закон в лице Аарона, а также отождествляя пророческую заповедь Давида с законами Моисея. The article explores the information given in the books of Chronicles concerning the establishment of the order of temple worship by King David (1 Chron. 23-25). The A. shows that, according to the Chronicler’s worldview, the Jerusalem Temple and its divine service occupied an important place in the life of ancient Israel. However, in the aftermath of the epoch, as a result of the development of social and religious institutions, there appeared various customs related to the ministry of priests and Levites, which did not comply with the laws of the Pentateuch, therefore, there was an urgent need to establish a continuity with the era of the Law. Thus, the Chronicler legitimizes the twenty-four priestly groups, as well as the guilds of temple singers and musicians that existed in his time. In addition, the writer changes the age of entry of the Levites to their ministry at the Temple. For this purpose, he interprets in his own way the separate prescriptions of the Pentateuch combining references to tradition and the law in the person of Aaron, as well as identifying the prophetic commandments of David with the laws of Moses.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Jonathan R. Trotter

Abstract Many diaspora communities identify not only with a distant homeland but also with others distant from the homeland. How exactly do these intercommunal connections take place and contribute toward a shared identity? What specific aspects of diasporan identity are created or strengthened? What practices are involved? This study will begin to answer these questions through investigating two practices which were widespread among diaspora Jewish communities during the last two centuries of the Second Temple period (1st cent. B.C.E.–1st cent. C.E.). First, we will show how sending offerings and making pilgrimages to the Jerusalem temple from these communities enabled regular intercommunal contact. Then, we will suggest some ways in which these voluntary practices reinforced a cohesive Jewish identity and the importance of the homeland, especially the city of Jerusalem and the temple, for many diaspora Jews, whether they lived in Alexandria, Rome, Asia Minor, or Babylonia.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-134
Author(s):  
Joshua Kulp

Emerging methods in the study of rabbinic literature now enable greater precision in dating the individual components of the Passover seder and haggadah. These approaches, both textual and socio-historical, have led to a near consensus among scholars that the Passover seder as described in rabbinic literature did not yet exist during the Second Temple period. Hence, cautious scholars no longer seek to find direct parallels between the last supper as described in the Gospels and the rabbinic seder. Rather, scholarly attention has focused on varying attempts of Jewish parties, notably rabbis and Christians, to provide religious meaning and sanctity to the Passover celebration after the death of Jesus and the destruction of the Temple. Three main forces stimulated the rabbis to develop innovative seder ritual and to generate new, relevant exegeses to the biblical Passover texts: (1) the twin calamities of the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple and the Bar-Kokhba revolt; (2) competition with emerging Christian groups; (3) assimilation of Greco-Roman customs and manners. These forces were, of course, significant contributors to the rise of a much larger array of rabbinic institutions, ideas and texts. Thus surveying scholarship on the seder reviews scholarship on the emergence of rabbinic Judaism.


Author(s):  
Jason Moralee

Chapter 6 asks what Christians were supposed to learn from the Capitol’s cycle of destructions. When temples were destroyed in antiquity, through either the violence of nature or violent intentional acts, invariably the event was seen as a portentous disaster. The Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus was destroyed three times, in 83 BCE, 69 CE, and 80 CE. Christian intellectuals simplified the Capitol’s history of destructions by equating them with those of other famous temples, such as the Jerusalem Temple and the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. No matter the time or the place, temple destructions had a single cause: an interconnected history of God’s anger stretching from the past to the present and even into the future.


Author(s):  
Stefan C. Reif

In the second Temple period, Jewish ritual and worship, following the example of the Hebrew Bible, centered on the cult of the Jerusalem Temple and on the more democratic institution of individual prayer, but the two elements had drawn closer to each other by the axial age. In their campaign to establish formal communal prayer as a theological priority, leading rabbis of the first two centuries were inspired not only by those two precedents but also by biblical formulas, the example set at Qumran, the notion of the berakhah, and by the development of the synagogue, which added prayer to its earlier interest in study, social activity, and the hosting of visitors. The shema’, ‘amidah, and birkat ha-mazon, as well as qiddush, havdalah, hallel, and the Passover Haggadah, were early components of rabbinic liturgy, and these gradually moved from the domestic and individual contexts to the synagogue and community. Towards the end of the talmudic period, liturgical poetry and mysticism, especially from the Jewish homeland, were incorporated into standard rabbinic prayers, but not until the ninth and tenth centuries did rabbinic leaders in Babylonia succeed in transforming the oral prayers into the written prayer-book. Although use was limited of the Hebrew Bible and lists of sacrifices from the earliest rabbinic liturgy, such scriptural readings acquired a more important, structured role in the late talmudic, post-talmudic, and early medieval periods. Although the temple service and priesthood figured in the liturgical poems, they had lost much of their status as spiritual intermediaries.


2004 ◽  
Vol 60 (1/2) ◽  
Author(s):  
N.H. Taylor

Luke-Acts was written during the period after the destruction of the second temple, when, for most Jews, hopes for future restoration were conceived largely in terms of rebuilding the temple and city of Jerusalem and resuming the cultic life associated therewith. Against this background Luke poses an alternative vision, in which the divine presence associated previously with the [foreign font omitted] is seen no longer as localised but as dispersed. The Holy Spirit manifested in the life and expansion of the Church transcends and supersedes the notion of sacred space associated with the Zion traditions.


1964 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Horwitz
Keyword(s):  

The triumphal return of Charles II on 29 May 1660 was the prelude to a determination of the restored monarchy's structure rather than its aftermath. The many and vexed problems attendant upon Charles's reinstatement were still to be resolved, for the Declaration of Breda had wisely been confined to generalities. A parliament would be necessary to settle the terms of an indemnity, the ownership of the confiscated lands, the future of the army, and the character of the national Church.


2020 ◽  
pp. 186-208
Author(s):  
Ириней (Пиковский)

В данной статье поднимается вопрос авторства и датировки псалма 118 (119 по еврейской традиции). Несмотря на то, что некоторые экзегеты Древней Церкви относили данный псалом к царю Давиду, большинство исследователей настоящего времени придерживаются более поздней датировки. Основанием для этого, как правило, служит близость данного псалма к литературе мудрости периода Второго Храма. При исследовании литургических особенностей 118 псалма в статье выдвигается гипотеза, что псалом исполнялся за богослужением в Иерусалимском храме и был не «учебником для Соломона», а поэтическим восхвалением Бога через созерцание мудрости в Его законе, словах, делах, путях, уставах и откровениях. Особенности древнееврейской лексики позволяют исследователю сделать вывод, что текст 118 псалма является вторичным по отношению к более ранним псалмам эпохи Давида. В то же время он написан в духе Давида и появился раньше основного корпуса литературы мудрости периода Второго Храма. This article raises the issue of authorship and dating of Psalm 119 (118 by Septuagint). Despite the fact that some exegetes of the Ancient Church attributed this psalm to King David, most scholars of the present time adhere to a later date. Quite often this assumption based on the proximity of this psalm to the wisdom literature of the Second Temple period. In the study of the liturgical features of 119 psalm, the author of this article hypothesizes that the psalm was performed during worship in the Jerusalem Temple and was not a «textbook for Solomon», but a poetic praise of God through contemplation of wisdom in His law, words, deeds, ways, charters and revelations. The peculiarities of the Hebrew vocabulary allow the researcher to conclude that the text of psalm 119 is secondary to the earlier psalms of the David era. At the same time, it was written in the David's style and spirit and came into existance before the main part of the wisdom literature of the Bible.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 280-303
Author(s):  
Cecilia Wassen

In order to understand Jesus’s violent outburst in the temple, scholars frequently turn to Jewish texts from the late Second Temple Period, including the Dead Sea Scrolls. The same texts are used to support contrasting explanations of the event. This paper evaluates these interpretations and offers an analysis of the key texts on the Jerusalem temple in the Scrolls. It concludes that the negative attitudes towards the temple that are reflected in Jesus’s action and some of the sectarian writings from Qumran share an expectation that the temple would become defiled in the end time. From such an apocalyptic perspective, it did not matter how the temple priests actually ran their business, since they were bound to be criticized by those Jews, such as Jesus and the Qumran sectarians, for whom the final age had arrived.


1961 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 29-41
Author(s):  
Wm. Markowitz
Keyword(s):  

A symposium on the future of the International Latitude Service (I. L. S.) is to be held in Helsinki in July 1960. My report for the symposium consists of two parts. Part I, denoded (Mk I) was published [1] earlier in 1960 under the title “Latitude and Longitude, and the Secular Motion of the Pole”. Part II is the present paper, denoded (Mk II).


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