Elections as an Institution of Trust: Features of Functioning in the Context of the COVID-19 Pandemic

The article is devoted to identifying the features of the functioning of elections as a democratic institution in a pandemic. Based on the constructivist approach and the method of comparative analysis, the author attempts to conceptualize elections as an institution of trust and to characterize the electoral practices used by European countries in the electoral process. Based on the research of D. Coleman, N. Luhmann, R. Putnam, P. Roseanvallon, P. Shtompka, I. Krastev, F. Fukuyama, D. Gambetto, the author, despite the ambiguity of the concept of “trust”, concludes that it is essential role in the relationship between government and society. Mistrust means the alienation of society from the social sphere, lack of faith in justice, a feeling of uncertainty and a threat emanating from government institutions. Trust creates a moral environment in society that promotes development and effective problem solving. In an atmosphere of trust, various voting options are possible, which are not disputed by citizens, and elections become the most important indicator of this trust. Pandemic restrictions have left a significant imprint on electoral practices; nevertheless, there is an obvious trend towards the active introduction of remote electronic voting, which has not yet reached perfection, but is a strategically priority in the ongoing election campaigns. At the same time, increased requirements are imposed on the safety of the electoral process, its normative regulation, openness and publicity.

Introduction

The Introduction argues that social movements are an overlooked democratic institution. They are necessary, not only to address the concerns of those engaging in public interest, nor only for the ethical purpose of achieving more just conditions for all, but also for the health and survival of democracy, as such. Movements are what keep democracy from falling irrevocably into the pitfalls of oligarchy and the bureaucratic iron cage described by Max Weber, chiefly dehumanization, expropriation, and stagnation.

Is another democracy possible in schools? Challenges to create a truly democratic school

In most schools everywhere, democracy and participation continue to be carried out through the usual channels based on representative democracy and the vote of elected representatives. However, this reality is not monolithic, and we do find centers committed to practise a full and more profound democracy. Based on a case study, the article analyzes the theoretical and practical approach of Germinal School. Despite some difficulties, this school has successfully implemented a project of radical democracy, both through micropolitics and daily pedagogical action. This article also examines why it is so difficult to democratize school and how to create a truly democratic institution. Finally, we address the possibility of extending the democratic model presented here to other schools.

Free states for free citizens!? Arguments for a republicanism of plural polities

The paper assesses the questions if and, if yes, how the republican conception of free statehood can and should inform a compelling understanding of a legitimate post-Westphalian political order. To answer these questions, it, first, reconstructs the foundational arguments of republican internationalists in favour of free states and, second, assesses the points of contention republican cosmopolitans raise. Third, it develops an alternative approach, a republicanism of plural polities: Based on a relational and multi-dimensional understanding of citizenship, the paper questions the strong internationalist reliance on the citizenship-state-nexus and on statehood in general, but also takes issue with cosmopolitans’ neglect of the boundedness of democratic self-determination. A republicanism of plural polities as a multi-perspectival approach to democratic institution-building in and beyond the state is open to constellations of plural polities of different forms and on different political levels while simultaneously recognising the particularity of each ‘free polity’. It thereby adds a new dimension to debates on the political forms legitimate institutions can assume under post-Westphalian conditions and opens avenues for research on inter-polity relations, on more complex constellations of self-rule and shared rule as well as of multilateral decision-making, on sovereignty and independence. The latter are exemplified by reference to the European context.

Mainstream Media Recirculation of Trust-Reducing Social Media Messages

Citizens need to trust in the integrity of news reporting for the free press to fulfill its role as a democratic institution that enables citizens to hold representatives accountable. Growing research has shown that increased use of social media erodes trust in legacy news. However, trust-reducing social media messages are not contained to social media platforms; they are widely recirculated by the mainstream media. We argue that mainstream media corporations select social media messages to recirculate precisely because of their trust-reducing features in order to respond to short-term competitive market incentives. We turn to Donald Trump’s Twitter posts as examples of trust-reducing messages and show that the media cites more trust-reducing messages more quickly and more frequently than less trust-reducing messages. These findings implicate mainstream media corporations alongside social media platforms in the systematic and ongoing degradation of trust in legacy news reporting.

A Theoretical Concept to Increase the Trustworthiness of Online and Offline Debates with Real-Time AI Speech Analytics

Debates are an essential democratic institution in danger by the rise of Social Media. The advent of Fake News often referred to as the ‘crisis of trust’, has led to a substantial increase in debates that blend online and offline. It can be argued that blended approaches are not directly linked to increasing trustworthiness in the debate. To overcome this trust crisis and increase the reliability in debates, we introduce the HELIOSPHERE concept that seeks to use technological advances, such as Artificial Intelligence and Augmented Reality, to create a more fair, inclusive and transparent debate. The critical component for inclusiveness is Augmented Reality technology and 3D camera technology to hybridise the online and offline debating space and ensure that anyone who cannot be present can engage with the debate. For transparency and fairness, a key indicator of trust, an Artificial Intelligence dashboard is introduced to analyse and visualise speaking time, speaker gender, topic relatedness, bias detection sentiment in Real-Time. This work presents the overall theoretical concept focusing on academic and technical concepts to support reliable communication within debates.

Discrimination and Exclusion Against Marginal Castes and Tribes in Educational Institutions: An Empirical Analysis of Bondaguda Primary School

Dalits are unable to enjoy their rights under the Indian Constitution. Though they are original residents of India, they are still treated as untouchables. This article sheds light on how discrimination at the primary school level in the mid-day meal (MDM) scheme is reinforcing the caste system. The school is supposed to be a prime site of democratic institution where the child could have a non-discriminative environment. But the MDMs cooked by Dalit cooks are not eaten by children of upper castes and tribes, thus grossly contradicting such claims. The study is based on primary as well as secondary sources. It shows that children from an early age are moulded into perpetuating the discriminatory mindset of the caste-ridden village society. This article is an attempt to analyse the violence against the Dalit cooks in the Bondaguda village.

The Paradox of the Thai Middle Class in Democratisation

The relationship of the bourgeoisie and democratisation has been inconsistent across the history of democracy. This work offers an alternative explanation taking the example of the Thai middle class, which had promoted democracy, turned against it. From the democratic transition of 1973 until the present day, the Thai middle class has played contradictory roles in the democratisation of the country. This work investigates the effects of democratic institution-building after regime change and the efforts to consolidate democracy in the middle class. This work proposes two major observations. The first is the failure of the middle class to establish themselves in democratic institutions and processes in either the legislature/executive, political parties, local government or structured interest groups. They have learned of the uncertainty of free elections and how the elected executives have benefitted other classes but not them. The second regards the missing prerequisite of democracy. Insufficient understanding of majority rules and two-turnover elections, caused the middle class who were disappointed with the outcome of democratic regimes and systems to easily turn away from democracy.

The Rise of International Parliaments

International parliamentary institutions (IPIs) are on the rise. Around the world, international organizations have increasingly established or affiliated parliamentary assemblies. At the same time, IPIs have generally remained powerless institutions with at best a consultative role in the decision-making process of international organizations. This book pursues the question why the member states of international organizations create IPIs but do not vest them with relevant institutional powers. It argues that neither the functional benefits of delegation nor the internalization of democratic norms provide convincing answers to this question. Rather, IPIs are an instrument of strategic legitimation. By establishing IPIs that mimic a highly esteemed domestic democratic institution, governments seek to ensure that audiences at home and in the wider international environment recognize their IOs as democratically legitimate. At the same time, they seek to avoid being effectively constrained by IPIs in international governance. In a statistical analysis covering the world’s most relevant international organizations and a series of case studies from diverse world regions, we find two major varieties of international parliamentarization. IOs with general purpose and high authority create and empower IPIs to legitimate their region-building projects domestically. Alternatively, IOs are induced to create parliamentary bodies by international diffusion.