scholarly journals Subregional Projects in the Context of the Development of the EU Eastern Partnership

Author(s):  
Serhii Feduniak

The author analyzes subregional projects that could add dynamics to the process of European integration in the situation of substantial conceptual and institutional crisis of the European Union what directly affects the efficience of implementation of the EU projects (Eastern Partnership). Here the aurhor means reload and activation of the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM and conceptualization the Baltic-Black See Union as isntitutional instruments of sub-regional stability in the context of deep crisis of Euroipean security. The consequences of sub-regional instutitutionalization for the EU and its prograns will be complex and multi-dimention. Firstly, there will be the rise of stability and security on the EU eastern flank as a compensation for its non-sufficient security elements as well as NATO low readiness for Russian threat. As soon as activation of Russian neo-imperial revisionism seriously undermines the EU Eastern Partnership Program and hampers the integration of the post-soviet states into the European and Euro-Atlantic in stitutions, establishment of both above-mentioned institutions will give a serious integration impuls for the European civilization and acceleration of the appearance of new wave of the EU members. The other result of institution building will be development of transport and logistic infastructure in the context of the implementationa bilateral EU-China trans continental projects resulting the growth of the EU poterntial as a leading global economic and political player. It is proved that ODED-GUAM and the Baltic-Black Sea Union could become substantial factors of the support of the European Union in whole and its Eastern Partnership Program particularly in case substantial work is being made by the interested states. But the main precondition of the activation pf sub-regional projects is political will and startegic interests of western elites. Keywords: European Union, EU Eastern Partnership, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM, Baltic-Black Sea Union, subregional integration.

Author(s):  
Boris P. Guseletov ◽  
◽  

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.


Author(s):  
Vadim V. Trukhachev ◽  

Austria was one of the countries that played an important role in the development of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program, that is aimed at the rapproachment of six post-Soviet states closer to European Union. In addition to promoting the program at the national level, that is strongly associated with the name of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, the Austrians were also responsible for it at the EU level. Suffice it to say that the Austrians Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Johannes Hahn held the positions of European commis- sioners responsible for foreign and neighborhood policy of the European Union for many years. In 2018, Austria was the EU Presidency, and the promotion of the Eastern Partnership has become one of the priorities of the Austrian pres- idency. Especially noteworthy is the role of Austria in the settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, where the Austrians acted on the line of not only the European Union, but also the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the special representative of the Organization for the Donbas became the Austrian Martin Sajdik. In addition, Austria did a lot for the devel- opment of relations between the European Union and Belarus. In general, the share of Austrian responsibility for the successes and failures of the develop- ment of relations between the European Union and the six post-Soviet states of the Eastern Partnership program should be recognized as very significant.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Marta Kuc

This paper proposes the use of synthetic variable to examine differences in the standard of living in the EU countries. The synthetic variable allows to replace the whole set of variables into one aggregated variable. This variable is the basis for organizing and grouping countries in terms of standard of living. The subject of empirical analysis are 24 member states of the European Union in 1995-2010. The analysis of synthetic variable reveals that there are significant disparities between countries in the field of overall socio-economic development. The analysis show favorable situation in Ireland and very unfavorable conditions in Romania, Bulgaria and the Baltic countries.


Author(s):  
Elena Parubochaya ◽  
◽  
Anna Prygunkova ◽  

Introduction. Due to the destabilization of the situation in the countries of the South Caucasus in 2020, the region is of particular relevance today. At the present stage, it is an object of geopolitical competition for numerous international actors: the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the European Union, the Republic of Turkey. The article examines the EU policy in the process of implementing the Eastern Partnership program as part of the European political strategy. In relation to the South Caucasus region, the interim results of the EU’s activities on the implementation of 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to the states of the South Caucasus are analyzed. Methods. Comparative analysis makes it possible to give a comprehensive assessment of European policy in the region by identifying priority areas and development prospects by comparing the intermediate results of 20 deliverables for 2020 in the South Caucasus countries within the framework of their bilateral relations with the EU. Analysis. The analysis of the activities of the European Union in relation to the South Caucasus countries is associated with the determination of the prospects for the development of the European strategy in the region. The analysis included tracking the dynamics of the implementation of the 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, as well as options for developing a European strategy in the South Caucasus countries, taking into account the new policy in the context of the Eastern Partnership beyond 2020. Results. As a result of the analysis, the EU’s competitive advantages in the South Caucasus were determined by identifying areas in which the EU’s geopolitical interests intersect with other actors.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-119

This article aims at analyzing the key results and future prospects of the Eastern Partnership program of the European Union. Usually the criticism toward this initiative is based on two arguments: allegedly, it was the assertiveness of the EU which contributed to the Ukrainian crisis and increased a conflict potential with Russia. Besides, in the end, Brussels was not able to deliver more in terms of Ukrainian, Moldovan and Georgian integration into the EU and to counterbalance the Russian foreign policy in the region. The author argues that the Eastern Partnership, driven by the “constitutive power of outsiders”, was an adequate answer to the socio-political changes which have occurred in East European countries. It gave them an opportunity, based on the principle of “more for more”, to include themselves in internal EU regimes without formal accession. On the other hand, the Eastern Partnership is currently facing two main challenges: Russian reaction to EU association agreements with Eastern neighbours as well as disintegration and corruption of the elites. Despite some disappointment of the Euro-enthusiasts and the devastating economic crisis in the region, it is still preserving the pro-European orientation and working on the association agenda. But, in the context of substantial problems with corruption, Brussels has now to apply the policy of “sticks” in order to discipline (and not only support or encourage) the neighbourhood countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Tomas Bekišas

This paper aims to determine Lithuania’s, Latvia’s, and Estonia’s parties’ positions on the European Union (EU) and to ascertain whether these party positions mirror their voters’ positions on the EU. Analysis suggests that parties in this region have rather varied positions on the EU, with the exception of hard-Eurosceptic views, which are absent in Baltic states’ party systems. This paper also indicates that parties in the Baltic states tend to mirror, with some exceptions, their voters positions on the EU. This suggests that there may be additional factors determining parties’ positions regarding the EU in the Baltics.


Author(s):  
F. Basov

This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Giselle Bosse ◽  
Moritz Höpner ◽  
Alena Vieira

Abstract In bilateral relations and negotiations with the European Union (EU), smaller and economically weaker states are often unable to express their national preferences. Despite their limited bargaining power, however, some Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries obtained significant concessions from the EU. This article analyzes the factors that explain EaP states’ unexpected negotiation success in the context of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with Ukraine, the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Armenia, and enhanced economic partnership with Belarus. We identify negotiation strategies that are crucial to understanding of the puzzle.


Author(s):  
Tanel Kerikmäe ◽  
Archil Chochia ◽  
Max Atallah

Integration with the European Union has been far less distressing for the three Baltic States than for numerous other accessing countries owing to their strong societal impetus to (re)join Western political, economic, and legal culture after they regained their independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, the accession of these states—Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—had several distinctive features related to constitutional background and settings, which heavily influenced problem solving between government and the EU institutions. In general, the controversial issues regarding how to solve the problems with supranational power have never been dramatic with regard to the Baltic States, which leads to the assumption that often the governments have taken rather compliant positions. The latest cases, such as the European Stabilization Mechanism, indicate the change in paradigm: the three Baltic States are more aware of the margin of appreciation and actual borderlines between policy making- and decision making. Today, in setting up an EU-related agenda, more skills than previously are needed in finding allies and choosing partners. The road the Baltic States took in joining the EU was a difficult one, nor has their role in the EU been easy. Should a small state with a big initiative be allowed to mentor other member states regarding that initiative, meaning in particular Estonia and its digital development? Another peculiar aspect of the Baltic States is their (inter)relationship with Russia. Considering themselves a bridge between East and West, the Baltics have been active in Eastern Partnership and Development Aid initiatives and have also spoken out strongly against intervention in Georgia and Ukraine. This position sometimes complicates any EU attempt to achieve consensus on foreign policy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-149
Author(s):  
Tatyana Muravska ◽  
Alexandre Berlin

Abstract The European Union (EU) signed Association Agreements on 27 June 2014 with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova, and Ukraine. The Association Agreement (AA) is the EU’s main instrument to bring the countries in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) closer to EU standards and norms. For the citizens of the EaP countries to benefit from these agreements, a more in-depth knowledge of the EU and the EU Member States is required to be reflected in a comparative approach to European Union studies. We examine these implications on the need to expand and adapt, the content and approach to research and teaching European Union studies, with the transdisciplinary approach becoming increasingly dominant, becoming a modern tool for research in social sciences. This contribution aims to offer insight into the implementation of transdisciplinarity in the methodology of education and research as it is determined by current increasing global challenges. This approach should serve as a means of integrating a number of main goals as part of learning, teaching and research processes: strengthening employability of young people and preparing them for citizenship. We discuss the need for modernizing European studies in the EU Member States that could serve as an example for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. We conclude that the theoretical approach to European and related studies of other disciplines and their practical implications should always be transdisciplinary in nature and benefit from direct in-situ exposure and should be fully integrated in university curricula


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