Innovation with imported technology in a dynamic global economy: the case of Korean industry

1998 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 257-265
Author(s):  
Youn-Suk Kim ◽  
Yongseung Jung
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Technology Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Catching Up ◽  
Technological Transfer ◽  
The World ◽  
Medium Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Boundaries

With more international trade, business, and technology, the World Trade Organization will promote the world economy toward globalized markets, more consolidation and greater efficiency in production. That is, national boundaries signify much less than they used to in terms of the flow of technology. Having the changing position of technology policy in Japan and the United States, Korea has to comply with the new situation of global economy, reformulate its technology policy, and promote its technological collaboration with the United States. In the era of global competition, Korea can no longer rely on technology and R&D imports. It has to evolve its own R&D institutions, reformulate its technology policy and re-engineer its corporations. In Korea, the government has deliberately and directly undertaken a very active policy towards creating a climate conducive to enhancing science and technology for catching-up high technology. This paper examines the ways in which Korea’s industrial innovation has been undertaken from imported technology. Korea with a modern educational system and a strong internal scientific and engineering community, can promote its own technological innovation complemented by technological transfer. As a medium-level-tech country, Korea might actively involve US investment as a partner so as to facilitate joint ventures of R&D and production.

United States and Its Challenge to Multilateralism in the Global Economy

2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Krishnakumar S.
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Foreign Exchange Market ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Merchandise Trade

With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.

Text of Resolution Which Entered the United States into World War

1917 ◽  
Vol 85 (17) ◽  
pp. 455-456
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
German Government ◽  
The People ◽  
Successful Termination ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

The following is the text of the resolutions which officially entered the United States into the world war:— “Whereas the imperial German government has committed repeated acts of war against the government and the people of the United States of America; therefore be it “Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, that the state of war between the United States and the imperial German government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and that the President be and he is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the government to carry on war against the imperial German government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.”

Doing Grandparenthood

2021 ◽  
pp. 106-131
Author(s):  
Ken Chih-Yan Sun
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Division Of Labor ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Third Generation ◽  
Older Immigrants ◽  
New Meanings ◽  
The World ◽  
Intimate Relations ◽  
Gender Specific

This chapter reveals older immigrants' strategies for grandparenthood that testify to the significance of temporalities of migration. It analyzes the interplay between the time aging immigrants spent in the United States and their observations of the changing global economy, which leads them to assign new meanings to intimate relations with their grandchildren. It also talks about how older immigrants developed new rights, responsibilities, obligations, and entitlements after welcoming grandchildren to the world. The chapter underscores gender as an organizing principle that informs the division of labor between grandfathers and grandmothers. It points out how older migrant women and men interpret their responsibilities, obligations, and commitments to a third generation in gender-specific ways, even if both value grandparenting.

Conclusions

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Population Increase ◽  
The Political ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.

Introduction: There Was a Moment

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Luke Patey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Strong Influence ◽  
The United States ◽  
The West ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Technology Leaders ◽  
The World ◽  
Economic Engagement ◽  
Political Economic

China views the decline of the United States and the West as signal to advance its interests, norms, and values on the world stage. But sentiments that one superpower will replace another miss the bigger picture. China’s rise to the commanding heights of the global economy and world affairs is not preordained. Its potential evolution into a global superpower, with a deep presence and strong influence over economic, political, military, and culture abroad, will rather be conditioned by how China behaves toward the rest of the world, and how the world responds. The world’s other large economies, major militaries, technology leaders, and cultural hubs will be significant in shaping the future world. For developed and developing countries alike, there is recognition that economic engagement with China produces strategic vulnerabilities to their own competitiveness and foreign policy and defense autonomy. China will struggle to realize its political, economic, and military global ambitions.

How China Loses

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Patey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Business Managers ◽  
New Era ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
Economic Engagement ◽  
Rising Power

China wants to replace the United States as the world’s leading superpower. But what does the world want from China? In a new era of strategic competition between China and the United States, Luke Patey explores how the rest of the world is responding to China’s rise. Many fear that China’s economic power, tech innovations, and growing military might will allow it to remake the world in its own authoritarian image. But despite all its strengths, a future with China in charge is far from certain. China will rule the twenty-first century only if the world lets it. How China Loses tells the story of China’s struggles to overcome new risks and endure the global backlash against its assertive reach. Combining on-the-ground reportage with incisive analysis, Patey argues that China’s predatory economic agenda, headstrong diplomacy, and military expansion undermine its global ambitions. In travels to Africa, Latin America, East Asia, and Europe, his encounters with activists, business managers, diplomats, and thinkers show the challenges threatening China’s rising power. China’s relations with the outside world are reaching a critical juncture. Political differences and security tensions have risen, and many countries are now recognizing that economic engagement produces new strategic vulnerabilities to their competitiveness and autonomy. At a time when views from Washington and Beijing dominate the discussion, Patey’s work shows how perspectives from around the world will shape the global economy and world affairs.

Popular Culture and US Foreign Relations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Falk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Consumer Products ◽  
Information Campaigns ◽  
The World ◽  
American Foreign Relations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Third World

Americans in and out of government have relied on media and popular culture to construct the national identity, frame debates on military interventions, communicate core values abroad, and motivate citizens around the world to act in prescribed ways. During the late 19th century, as the United States emerged as a world power and expanded overseas, Americans adopted an ethos of worldliness in their everyday lives, even as some expressed worry about the nation’s position on war and peace. During the interwar period of the 1920s and 1930s, though America failed to join the League of Nations and retreated from foreign engagements, the nation also increased cultural interactions with the rest of the world through the export of motion pictures, music, consumer products, food, fashion, and sports. The policies and character of the Second World War were in part shaped by propaganda that evolved from earlier information campaigns. As the United States confronted communism during the Cold War, the government sanitized its cultural weapons to win the hearts and minds of Americans, allies, enemies, and nonaligned nations. But some cultural producers dissented from America’s “containment policy,” refashioned popular media for global audiences, and sparked a change in Washington’s cultural-diplomacy programs. An examination of popular culture also shows how people in the “Third World” deftly used the media to encourage superpower action. In the 21st century, activists and revolutionaries can be considered the inheritors of this tradition because they use social media to promote their political agendas. In short, understanding the roles popular culture played as America engaged the world greatly expands our understanding of modern American foreign relations.

scholarly journals Out-of-Control COVID-19 Pandemic Hampers the Nationalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992097352
Author(s):  
Aly Hiko ◽  
Austin Horng-En Wang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

Early studies show that the COVID-19 pandemic causes the rally-around-the-flag effect and increases the level of nationalism among the voters after the outbreak. However, how long does this boost last? Voters may cognitively withdraw their identification to the beloved country if the pandemic is rampant in where they live as well as when the government fails to address it thoroughly. We conducted a pre-registered MTurk experiment (n = 606) on 20 April 2020, in the United States—3 months after the first confirmed case and weeks after the large-scale lockdown. Results show that US subjects who were primed of the COVID-19 in the United States significantly decreased their level of nationalism, especially among Democrats. In contrast, the priming of “COVID-19 in the world” has no effect. The negative impact of COVID-19 on nationalism could be explained by enough time as people could observe and evaluate the government’s performance after the outbreak through the partisan lens.

The International Court of Justice, the Senate, and Matters of Domestic Jurisdiction

1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 720-736 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Preuss
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Limiting Factors ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
International Court Of Justice ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
International Court ◽  
The World ◽  
Domestic Jurisdiction ◽  
The Government

It has been remarked that the Government of the United States “seldom loses an opportunity to profess its loyalty to international arbitration in the abstract. … The expression of this sentiment has become so conventional that a popular impression prevails that it accords with the actual policy of the United States.” This ambivalent attitude is nowhere more clearly illustrated than in a memorandum addressed by Mr. John Foster Dulles on July 10, 1946, to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. “The United States, since its formation,” Mr. Dulles states, “has led in promoting a reign of law and justice as between nations. In order to continue that leadership, we should now accept the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. If the United States, which has the material power to impose its will widely in the world, agrees instead to submit to the impartial adjudication of its legal controversies, that will inaugurate a new and profoundly significant international advance.” Although the initial step of accepting the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court would in itself be “of profound moral significance,” it would, Mr. Dulles continues, “assume greatly increased practical significance” only when “limiting factors” have been removed, for the “path is as yet so untried that it would be reckless to proceed precipitately,” the Court “has yet to win the confidence of the world community,” and “international law has not yet developed the scope and definiteness necessary to permit international disputes generally to be resolved by judicial rather than political tests.”

scholarly journals World Geopolitical Competition in the Context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-351
Author(s):  
Konstantin V. Blokhin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strong Impact ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Fourth Industrial Revolution ◽  
The World

Article analyzes predictive estimates and concepts presented by the Western intellectual community, regarding prospects for development of new trends in the global economy, caused by the fourth industrial revolution. Author draws on a variety of sources, including reports from US think tanks, works by representatives of global financial and technocratic elite, and works by American intellectuals. Methodological basis of the study is a theory of the world system of I. Wallerstein, which allows to identify dynamic and conflicting lines of interaction between two geopolitical centers of the world - the United States and China. Based on an analysis of current trends, modern experts predict revolutionary changes in modern technologies that can decisively affect socio-political stability, not only in Western countries, but in developing countries as well. Author shows that the new technological structure is changing not only sector structure of the economy, but also has a strong impact on employment. According to American analysts, new technologies can destabilize socio-political stability in any country, especially in countries where cheap labor is a traditional tool. Robotization and automation of production can become a competitive advantage of the United States and Western countries in competition with China. Article notes that Russia is only at the very beginning of technological revolution, behind big five leading countries. Overcoming its lag in the field of AI and robotics requires adoption of comprehensive measures of economic, scientific and political nature. Ignoring realities of technological progress is fraught with increase in threats to national security.

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