The Impact of Arab Spring on the Political Future of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Middle East:  Jordan as a Case Study

This chapter examines the Middle East’s security dilemmas by reconsidering the balance of power and threats in light of the Arab Spring. Although external actors are still important, as is regime security, in this balance, an important feature of the current scene is the ‘securitization of identities’ whereby rival regimes mobilize different identities to preserve and consolidate their positions against the destabilizing effects of change. The chapter also explores the emergence of a region-based rivalry between monarchies and republics and how they were affected by the Arab uprisings; the strategic competition between Sunni and Shia Islam; and the impact of the ‘Shia crescent’ from 2003 to the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the ways that competition among rival Sunni regimes in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings has been ideologically shaped in terms of support for/opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood.

Download Full-text

Al-Azhar University in the Events of the Arab Spring (Case of Egypt)

Vestnik RUDN International Relations ◽

10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-583-596 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 19 (4) ◽

pp. 583-596

Author(s):

Yurii Vitalevich Lashkhia

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

Religious Education ◽

North Africa ◽

Arab Spring ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Official Document ◽

Political Processes ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Arab Spring

Due to the comprehensiveness of Islam, the role of the “Islamic factor” in political processes in the Middle East and North Africa is great, while the nature of the manifestations of the “Islamic factor” largely depends among other things on the current state of modern religious educational institutions, including those serving as a forge of Islamic personnel today. One of the most prestigious universities in Islamic oikumene, giving religious education for Muslims from all over the world, is AlAzhar al-Sharif (the shorter Al-Azhar is more common). It was here that some famous thinkers studied, who further significantly contributed to the development of the so-called “political Islam”. This study is an attempt to clarify the role of Al-Azhar University and related Islamic scholars in the socio-political processes of the Middle East and North Africa. Conducting the research, the author largely turned to the sources of the Islamic religion (the Qur’an, Hadith), theological texts of a number of thinkers (for example, the interpretation of the Qur’an Rashid Rida), religious polemical works (the work of Sheikh Osama al-Azhari against the “Muslim Brotherhood” and other “Islamist” trends), documents compiled by the leadership of Al-Azhar; academic literature on related issues. The author came to the conclusion that the “Islamic factor” did not play a crucial role at the beginning of events, but vividly manifested itself subsequently. The actual suppression of Islam by secular dictators created a fertile ground for the acute discontent of believing citizens and activists of various movements who uphold a particular version of the Islamic political alternative. The most influential university in the Islamic world, Al-Azhar, in an official document, “Arab Spring”, indicated the possibility of a shift in despotic power, while emphasizing at the same time the inadmissibility of violent suppression of peaceful protest. Certain Azharite theologians were directly involved in the events of the “Arab Spring”, in particular, the passionate scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi, associated with the Muslim Brotherhood movement and graduated from Al-Azhar, as well as Sheikh Emad Effat, who died during the suppression of an unarmed speech 15 December 2011. Such activity of various Islamic forces in the political sphere is primarily due to the very nature of the Islamic tradition, which does not separate the “sacred” and “profane”.

Download Full-text

The use of the Internet for political action by non-state dissident actors in the Middle East (originally published in November 2003)

First Monday ◽

10.5210/fm.v0i0.1791 ◽

2007 ◽

Author(s):

W. Sean McLaughlin

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

Political Action ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Study Groups ◽

The Internet ◽

Islamic Reform ◽

The Face ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Use Of The Internet

The use of the Internet for political action by non-state dissident actors in the Middle East by W. Sean McLaughlin This paper examines how non-state dissident actors in the Middle East use the Internet for political action in the face of state-imposed constraints on Internet access. Non-state dissident actors have revisionist goals and the Internet offers certain advantages for accomplishing these political objectives. States seek to limit the effectiveness of these dissident objectives and can use various methods, such as limiting Internet infrastructure or imposing censorship constraints, in efforts to oppose Internet-based dissidence. In response, dedicated dissidents can find ways to overcome these state-imposed constraints and continue with their dissident activities. Based on this understanding, this paper develops a dynamic model for Internet-based dissidence and then applies it to three different case studies: The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia (MIRA). All three case study groups used the Internet in a surprisingly competent and sophisticated manner, overcoming the various state-imposed constraints on their activities. That non-state dissidents in the Middle East have successfully used the Internet for political dissidence may have important implications for the political landscape in the region.

Download Full-text

PEMIKIRAN POLITIK DAN PEMERINTAHAN IKHWANUL MUSLIMIN PASCA MUSIM SEMI ARAB

Transformasi : Jurnal Kepemimpinan & Pendidikan Islam ◽

10.47945/transformasi.v1i2.307 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

pp. 27-36

Author(s):

Syawaluddin Syawaluddin

Keyword(s):

Political Thought ◽

Arab Spring ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Political ◽

The Internet ◽

Literature Research ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Arab Spring ◽

First Time

This paper seeks to uncover the political thought and governmental concept of the Egyptian president, Muhammad Mursy, who was democratically elected for the first time, after the “Arab Spring”. Mursi is a members of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) who was regarded as a forbidden party or an illegal mass organi- zation in Egypt before. This research based on literature research that seeks to collect the data related to the political thought and governmental concept of Muhammad Mursi as a members of the Muslim Brotherhood party, whether from the Internet or books that discuss about the phenomenon. This research found a num- ber of discoveries conducted by Mursi such as; the opening of a border gate in Gaza for Palestinians to enter Egypt, The vice-president’s from women and non-Muslims, restrict military gains in politics, and the others controversial decision.

Download Full-text

The Attempt to Strengthen the Qatar- Turkish Positions in Egypt Through the “Muslim Brotherhood”

10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-83-90 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 83-90 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Тimur Khairullin

Keyword(s):

Saudi Arabia ◽

Arab Spring ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Political ◽

Military Force ◽

Arab Region ◽

The Face ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Arab Spring

A new force appeared in the face of the Qatar-Turkish Alliance during the events of the Arab spring on the political map of the Arab region. Using the pan-Arab network of the Muslim Brotherhood Association, as well as their ideology of moderate Islamism, the Qatar-Turkish Alliance temporarily managed to significantly strengthen its positions in Egypt. Proof of this is the coming to power in Egypt in 2012 of Muslim Brotherhood, which enjoyed financial and diplomatic assistance from Qatar and Turkey. However, a year later the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood was overthrown as a result of a successful counter-action by Saudi Arabia, which relied on the Egyptian military force and a number of Islamist groups of Salafi confession.

Download Full-text

Gaining Legitimacy in Post-Qaddafi Libya: Analysing Attempts of the Muslim Brotherhood

Societies ◽

10.3390/soc9030065 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 9 (3) ◽

pp. 65

Author(s):

Inga Kristina Trauthig

Keyword(s):

Arab Spring ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Interview Data ◽

Primary Sources ◽

The Political ◽

Structured Interviews ◽

Political Sphere ◽

Academic Texts ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Historical Treatment

The Libyan Muslim Brotherhood needed to manoeuvre underground for several decades, just as most opposition groups in Libya had to—because of the repression from the Qaddafi regime. In 2012, however, the political wing of the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood (LMB), the Justice and Construction Party (JCP, sometimes also called the Justice and Development Party) participated in popular elections just shortly after its inception. Seven years later, one can unanimously say that the movement was not able to take power in the country. This paper will analyse the LMB in post-revolutionary Libya by concentrating on the attempts of establishing legitimacy in the political sphere—while continuously being informed by historical influences. Methodologically, the paper examines primary sources, key academic texts but also factors in interview data from semi-structured interviews. Overall, the paper addresses the puzzle of why Libya as a predominantly Sunni, conservative country did not translate into a conservative Sunni movement like the LMB faring well; with that, derailing the impression that the whole region was “going Islamist” after the so-called Arab Spring. The LMB today is still influenced by the historical treatment it received under Qaddafi, which lead it to base itself mostly in exile, hence it struggled to entrench itself in the country. The LMB was pointed towards their opponents’ fearmongering of an alleged Islamist takeover, mostly without addressing self-inflicted wounds, such as their inability to unite or to convince major parts of the population of their political programme.

Download Full-text

‘I’m not being paid for this conversation’: Uncovering the challenges of artist–academic collaborations in the neoliberal institution

International Journal of Cultural Studies ◽

10.1177/1367877919885951 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 23 (3) ◽

pp. 317-333

Author(s):

Alena Pfoser ◽

Sara de Jong

Keyword(s):

Collaborative Work ◽

Knowledge Exchange ◽

Academic Research ◽

The Political ◽

Institutional Pressures ◽

Negative Effects ◽

Collective Response ◽

And Shifts ◽

The Impact

Artist–academic collaborations are fuelled by increasing institutional pressures to show the impact of academic research. This article departs from the celebratory accounts of collaborative work and pragmatic toolkits for successful partnerships, which are dominant in existing scholarship, arguing for the need to critically interrogate the structural conditions under which collaborations take place. Based on a reflexive case study of a project developed in the context of Tate Exchange, one of the UK’s highest-profile platforms for knowledge exchange, we reveal three sets of (unequal) pressures, which mark artist–academic collaborations in the contemporary neoliberal academy: asymmetric funding and remuneration structures; uneven pressures of audit cultures; acceleration and temporal asymmetries. Innovations at the level of individual projects or partners can only mitigate the negative effects to a limited extent. Instead this article offers a systemic critique of the political economy of artist–academic collaborations and shifts the research agenda to developing a collective response.

Download Full-text

Islamist Women as Candidates in Elections: A Comparison of the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Die Welt des Islams ◽

10.1163/15700607-05734p04 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 57 (3-4) ◽

pp. 329-359 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Katarína Škrabáková

Keyword(s):

Supply And Demand ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Candidate Selection ◽

Demand Model ◽

Mena Region ◽

External Interference ◽

Female Candidates ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Supply And Demand Model ◽

The Impact

This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation. 

Download Full-text

Emigration and the diffusion of political Salafism

Party Politics ◽

10.1177/1354068815625999 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 23 (6) ◽

pp. 731-745 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Ekrem Karakoç ◽

Talha Köse ◽

Mesut Özcan

Keyword(s):

Political Behavior ◽

Statistical Difference ◽

Family Members ◽

The Political ◽

Parliamentary Election ◽

Opinion Survey ◽

Public Opinion Survey ◽

Gulf Countries ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Impact

This study investigates the impact of emigration on the political behavior of citizens in Egypt. In particular, it argues that emigrants’ family members are more likely to vote for Salafi parties for several reasons, including the transfer of religious remittances by Egyptian emigrants to the Gulf and the influence of transnational Salafi networks. In order to test our argument, we conducted an original public opinion survey with around 1100 individuals between January 12, 2012 and January 25, 2012, just after the Egyptian parliamentary election. We find that individuals with family members who had emigrated to the Gulf voted heavily for Islamist parties, particularly the Freedom and Justice Party and the Nour Party. Further analysis shows that there is no statistical difference between individuals with and without emigrant family members in voting for the Muslim Brotherhood, while the Nour’s popularity among voters with emigrant family members is substantial and statistically significant. In particular, we find that the strongest support for the Nour came from individuals whose family members had immigrated to Saudi Arabia, whereas those whose family members had immigrated to other countries, including other Gulf countries, do not differ significantly from non-emigrant family members in their party preferences.

Download Full-text

The meta-geography of the Middle East and North Africa in Turkey’s new geopolitical imagination

Security Dialogue ◽

10.1177/0967010613499783 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 44 (5-6) ◽

pp. 431-448 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Aylin Güney ◽

Nazif Mandacı

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

North Africa ◽

Arab Spring ◽

Critical Geopolitics ◽

Syrian Crisis ◽

Security Practices ◽

Before And After ◽

The Arab Spring ◽

The Impact ◽

Geopolitical Imaginations

This article critically analyses Turkish security discourses connected to the meta-geography of the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) before and after the developments of the Arab Spring. A critical geopolitics approach and critical security theories in international relations provide the theoretical framework, as security discourses are considered to be a product of geopolitical imaginations and codes that, in turn, shape the making of foreign and security policies. First, the article examines the invention of BMENA as a meta-geography within Turkey’s new geopolitical imagination, as well as the new geopolitical codes underlying the new security discourses. Then, the article assesses the impact of the Arab Spring, which led to major changes in Turkey’s newly established geopolitical codes, formulated in the pre-Arab Spring period, and analyses the ruptures and continuities in Turkey’s security discourses in the light of those developments. Finally, the article concludes that the Arab Spring, especially the Syrian crisis, shifted the focus of Turkey’s foreign policy in BMENA from cooperation to conflict. This has led to a resecuritization of Turkey’s geopolitical codes, discourses and security practices in the region, revealing the limitation of Turkey’s current geopolitical imagination.

Download Full-text