scholarly journals Vergangenheit und Zukunft der Globalen Linken

Author(s):  
Immanuel Wallerstein

This essay discusses the historical development of working class and resistance movements within the modern world-system. Departing from the French Revolution and the three modern ideologies – conservatism, liberalism, and radicalism – that emerged in its aftermath, the essay contextualizes social movements and political currents of the 19th and 20th century, and analyzes their relationships among each other, as well as their relationships to political power and to the state. Drawing from these lessons, the essay finally tackles the challenges that the divided Global Left is currently facing in its political struggle over a new, democratic, and egalitarian world-order.

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-41
Author(s):  
A. Mustafabeyli

In many political researches there if a conclusion that the world system which was founded after the Second world war is destroyed of chaos. But the world system couldn`t work while the two opposite systems — socialist and capitalist were in hard confrontation. After collapse of the Soviet Union and the European socialist community the nature of intergovernmental relations and behavior of the international community did not change. The power always was and still is the main tool of international communication.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 253-272
Author(s):  
K. S. Gadzhiev

The article analyzes some, in the opinion of the author, key factors that determine the nature and consequences of the coronavirus pandemic, which has a more or less significant effect on the turbulent state of the modern world, giving it special specificity, additional significance and irreversible character. Having analyzed a number of pandemic assessments and ideas popular in the scientific literature for the state and prospects of the modern world, it is concluded that with all the possible reservations in this matter, the coronavirus pandemic can be considered as one of the most important factors enhancing the significance of those tectonic shifts in the basic infrastructures of the modern world, which serve as the basis for a change in the liberal/ unipolar world order by a new type of world system. It is shown that the pandemic exposed those pain points that, by definition, are characteristic of transition periods or the so-called axial times. It is accompanied by an exacerbation of contradictions and conflicts between nations, hostility and demonization of the enemy and, accordingly, various forms of racism, xenophobia. Having critically analyzed the ideas about the revival of the positive role of the national state, the supposed end of globalization, the “post-coronavirus world”, the so-called “new normality”, etc., their author’s interpretation is given. Of course, a significant place is given to a comparative analysis of the issues concerning the forms and ways of solving the problems caused by the coronavirus pandemic by different countries.


Itinerario ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-41
Author(s):  
Stephen K. Sanderson

In recent years the notion of ‘Eurocentrism’ has become a major theme of modern scholarship, especially in the study of the historical development of the modern world. More and more scholars seem to be coming to the viewpoint that modern historical scholarship has been crippled by the bias of a Eurocentric perspective. Europeans have overstressed their own importance, it is claimed, and have failed to notice that the contributions of non-Europeans to the development of the modern world have been just as great as those of the Europeans. The charge being made really consists of two parts. First, it is claimed that much of the non-European world, Asia in particular, was, economically speaking, at least on a par with Europe in the centuries before AD 1500, and in some ways even more advanced. This claim is then coupled with the assertion that there was nothing especially distinctive about Europe, no particular qualities that set it apart from the rest of the world, nothing that gave it some sort of special dynamic. In this article I wish to argue that these claims are overstated. The first claim has some truth to it, but in and of itself it is highly misleading. In some ways the non-European world was as advanced as Europe in die year 1500, but by that time Europe had become economically different from the rest of the world in a way that would prove decisive for the historical development of die next five centuries. The second claim I believe is manifestly false. Europe indeed had distinctive qualities that set it apart and that gave it a dynamism that was lacking elsewhere. Elsewhere, that is, except for one other part of die world, namely Japan. Japan was surprisingly like Europe in several important ways and it is no accident that Japan is today the most economically and industrially advanced society in die non-western world. One of the most important things I want to do in this paper is to show what features Europe and Japan shared that eventually allowed them to leave the rest of the world behind.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Célia Taborda Silva

In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol MARCH (2018) ◽  
pp. 444-450
Author(s):  
E.V. Vorontsova ◽  
A.L. Vorontsov ◽  
R.M. Allalyev ◽  
A.V. Serebrennikova ◽  
N.G. Bondarenko ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 470-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentine M. Moghadam

I consider prospects for revolution in the 21st century, defined here as a thorough-going world revolution that replaces the capitalist world-system with a feminist-inflected democratic socialism. An overview of 20th century revolutions and more recent uprisings suggests distinctive contemporary features, including women’s participation and the diffusion of feminist agendas, but also constraints. In the face of reactionary social movements, and given the limits of ‘horizontalist’ politics, activists could learn from past revolutionary strategies to build a powerful global alliance of progressive forces.


Author(s):  
Malte Thießen

In my essay I will trace the connections between vaccination and education using examples of German history from the 19th and 20th centuries. Germany did not take a special path (Sonderweg), as one might have assumed given its historical development and the five different political systems. Rather, it is a typical example of the European political approach to vaccination. These form the background for my initial questions: what was the relationship between social order and vaccination programmes and what role did schools and educational models play in vaccination programmes? It is demonstrated that schools played a major role in both in the enforcement of compulsory vaccination and the establishment of vaccination education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabelo J Ndlovu-Gatsheni

Can Africans create African futures within a modern world system structured by global coloniality? Global coloniality is a modern global power structure that has been in place since the dawn of Euro-North American-centric modernity. This modernity is genealogically and figuratively traceable to 1492 when Christopher Columbus claimed to have discovered a 'New World'. It commenced with enslavement of black people and culminated in global coloniality. Today global coloniality operates as an invisible power matrix that is shaping and sustaining asymmetrical power relations between the Global North and the Global South. Even the current global power transformations which have enabled the re-emergence of a Sinocentric economic power and deWesternisation processes including the rise of South-South power blocs such as BRICS, do not mean that the modern world system has now undergone genuine decolonisation and deimperialisation to the extent of being amenable to the creation of other futures. Global coloniality continues to frustrate decolonial initiatives aimed at creating postcolonial futures free from coloniality. The article posits that global coloniality remains one of the most important modern power structures that constrain and limit African agency. To support this proposition, the article delves deeper into an analysis of the architecture and configuration of current asymmetrical global power structures; unmasks imperial/colonial reason embedded in Euro-North American-centric epistemology as well as the problem of Eurocentrism; and unpacks the Cartesian notions of being and its relegation of African subjectivity to a perpetualstate of becoming. Within this context, Africans have emerged as fighting subjects for a new world order that is decolonised, deimperialised, open to the emergence of new humanism and African futures. 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document