Kritik als Ideologie

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 369-388
Author(s):  
Tilman Reitz

This contribution discusses recent debates on the adequate form of ‘critique’ with a meta-critical intention. Since the partisans of academic critique typically fail to account for the effects of their own institutional embeddedness, their methodological reflections neutralize oppositional demands and turn political struggle into a scholastic exercise. In an extension of this analysis, the article aims to show how the academic class over-estimates its potential for bringing about liberating political change, how it falsely generalizes its own conditions of existence, and how it really contributes to the justification of capitalist power structures. The suspicion that recent populist attacks on the ‘elite’ have a fundament in progressive-liberal coalitions thus finds support in the practice of progressive discourse.   

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
László Szilárd Szilveszter

AbstractAlthough the communist regime, in literature as well as in all areas of social life, aimed at uniformity and creating an “art” serving propaganda purposes in the entire Central and Eastern European region, the Romanian Stalinist “cultural project” differed in many respects from that of other countries, e.g. Hungary's. In this era, the discourse emphasizing revolutionary transformation and radical policy change decisively builds on the image of the enemy; and the fault-lines between past and present, old and new, and the idea of the need for continuous political struggle also prevail in both poetry and prose as eternal actualities.For the Transylvanian Hungarian community, the 1989 Regime Change was supposed to mean the end of nationalist dictatorship, of the infinitely intensified ideological/political terror, of the deliberate policy of ethnic homogenization, and the solution of minority issues as well as of internal and external conflicts. Nevertheless, after a few months of cloudless enthusiasm, in 1990, Transylvanian Hungarians had to face the rearrangement of previous power structures; they confronted national and ethnic conflicts, disguised assimilation, and economic vulnerability. This paper aims to present the ideological/political characteristics which determined Transylvanian Hungarian poetry during the Communist Dictatorship and after the 1989 Regime Change.


Making Waves ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 157-170
Author(s):  
Mairéad Hanrahan

Hélène Cixous’s 1975 ‘Le Rire de la méduse’, later expanded into ‘Sorties’, represented a defining moment in both feminism and literary criticism/theory. When for the first time the French text was republished in 2010, Cixous speculated that the text was – disappointingly – still timely after all those years, contrary to her hopes at the original time of writing. This chapter explores Cixous’s text in relation to time in a number of different respects. It examines the significance of its very particular reception over time, and the implications that the signal failure to read it may have for both feminism and literary criticism/theory. But the chapter also considers the significance of Cixous’s work on time. The very notion of an anniversary, which simultaneously marks both a movement forward and a return to the past, is at odds with the linear, teleological idea of progress that remains dominant in discourses of political struggle. Yet the term ‘revolution’ indicates the importance of a cyclical movement of turning around or returning in effecting political change. This chapter therefore also studies the political dimension of Cixous’s approach to temporality.


Klio ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 610-639
Author(s):  
Olivier Hekster ◽  
Sven Betjes ◽  
Sam Heijnen ◽  
Ketty Iannantuono ◽  
Dennis Jussen ◽  
...  

Summary This article seeks to address the question how the Tetrarchic system of four rulers could be presented as legitimate in a society that had never seen this political constellation before. What were the different modes of presenting Tetrarchic rule and how did they help in making the new system acceptable? The article argues that new power structures needed to be formulated in familiar terms, not only for the rulers to legitimate their position, but also for the ruled to understand such new systems. As a result, imperial messages during the Tetrarchic period were strongly influenced by traditional modes of representation from earlier periods. Traditions which were inherent in specific media and locations were determining factors for the way in which a new political system could be presented. The result was a much less coherent ideological Tetrarchic message than is often assumed. The image of group identity was regularly lost in a more complex and messy mode of formulating power. The new and innovative aspects of a collegiate rule by four emperors was less important than linking the power of those rulers to what was traditionally expected of the portrayal of Roman emperorship.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niklas Selberg ◽  
Markus Gunneflo

AbstractDrawing on Jacques Rancière’s theorising of the political, this article analyses the disagreement on undocumented migrants in recent legislation in Sweden and within the European Union as well as in Swedish labour union practice. Both the consensus understanding of the issue of undocumented migrants and the materialisation of dissensus through the political activities of undocumented migrants are studied. The aims of the article are: firstly, to show that undocumented migrants in Sweden engage in a political struggle that is not recognised as such, to analyse the structure or conditions of possibility of this non-recognition, and finally, to analyse the ways in which these conditions might be undone through the political activities of undocumented migrants. The theoretical claim is that the issue of undocumented migrants involves intimately core aspects of both politics and law and that the struggle of undocumented migrants is a process in which our understanding of political and legal subjectivity is called into question. In conclusion we reflect on the question of political change against the background of the theoretical and empirical findings of the analysis.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saifullah SA Saifullah SA

This paper deals mainly with the political struggle of the people of Southern Philippine for independence. To a large extent, this paper is about the investigation of the political ideology of these people. To start with, the paper distinguishes between two opposing groups, namely the government and the Muslim group demanding for independence. The Muslims in their turn were then classified into two groups, the one is radical pursuing for political change through political –often violent- activities, and the other is moderate urging for a better life especially for Muslims through a peaceful, constructive, legal, and constitutional means. The paper argues that the government of the Philippine has shown its willingness to find ways of solving the problems through dialogue and peace process. The paper is also interested in discussing the view expressed by Peter Gowing who believes that in the near future the Muslims of the Philippine would be divided into two groups. The one successfully forms autonomous quasi-independent Muslim territories, and the other sticks to the national government having a strong consciousness to work toward the national integration and harmony.


2007 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 703-704
Author(s):  
Matthew L. Newman ◽  
D. Conor Seyle
Keyword(s):  

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