scholarly journals Islam and dialogue between civilizations

2004 ◽  
pp. 11-12
Author(s):  
Akhmed Musavi-Maleki

After the end of the Cold War, some Western politicians, using a number of research and university centers, try to put forward theories like the concept of a clash of civilizations and thus impose their policies on the world community and independent countries. In this regard, they are making attempts to present Islam as a kind of threat. Through false propaganda in the media dependent on them, such politicians try to portray the extremist and non-humanistic image of Islam in the ideas of the world community and connect Islam with terrorism.

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Somerville

The media – whether mainstream press, broadcasting and online services or social media – is still a major source of news about conflicts for the majority of people. They rely on the media to tell them what is going on in the world, select what is important or relevant and exclude the items that are deemed unimportant or unintelligible. The media uses forms of representation and framing to simplify and provide recognized depictions of distant countries, peoples and wars. These are part of the basic operating procedures of media organizations. But do they conceal or exclude more than they explain and do they give an accurate picture of the causes and combatants? Based on 40 years of monitoring, reporting and putting together news programmes on conflicts across the globe, the author seeks to analyse how framing works and the distortions in understanding that it leads to. The author gives his perspective on the five decades of conflict in Angola and the way framing has changed but done little to inform or educate.


Author(s):  
Todd Scribner

After descending an escalator of his hotel at Central Park West on a June day in 2015, Donald Trump ascended a podium and proceeded to accuse Mexico of "sending people that have lots of problems, and they're bringing those problems with us (sic). They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists" (Time 2015). It was a moment that marked the launch of his bid for president of the United States. From that point forward, Trump made immigration restriction one of the centerpieces of his campaign. Paired with an economically populist message, the nativist rhetoric shaped a narrative that helped launch him to the White House. His effectiveness partly lay in his ability to understand and exploit preexisting insecurities, partly in his outsider status, and partly in his willingness to tap into apparently widespread public sentiment that is uneasy with, if not overtly hostile to, migrants.This paper will try to make sense of the restrictionist logic that informs the Trump administration’s worldview, alongside some of the underlying cultural, philosophical, and political conditions that inspired support for Trump by millions of Americans. This paper contends that the Clash of Civilizations (CoC) paradigm is a useful lens to help understand the positions that President Trump has taken with respect to international affairs broadly, and specifically in his approach to migration policy. This paradigm, originally coined by the historian Bernard Lewis but popularized by the political theorist Samuel Huntington (Hirsh 2016), provides a conceptual framework for understanding international relations following the end of the Cold War.  It is a framework that emphasizes the importance of culture, rather than political ideology, as the primary fault line along which future conflicts will occur. Whether Trump ever consciously embraced such a framework in the early days of his candidacy is doubtful. He has been candid about the fact that he has never spent much time reading and generally responds to problems on instinct and "common sense" rather than a conceptually defined worldview developed by academics and intellectuals (Fisher 2016).  Nevertheless, during the presidential campaign, and continuing after his victory, Trump surrounded himself with high-level advisers, political appointees, and staff who, if they have nothing else in common, embrace something roughly akin to the Clash of Civilizations perspective (Ashford 2016).[1]The paper will focus primarily on Trump’s approach to refugee resettlement. One might think that refugees would elicit an almost knee-jerk sympathy given the tragic circumstances that drove their migration, but perceptions of refugees are often tied up with geopolitical considerations and domestic political realities. Following 9/11, the threat of Islamic-inspired terrorism emerged as a national security priority. With the onset of the Syrian Civil War and the significant refugee crisis that ensued in its wake, paired with some high-profile terrorist attacks in the United States and Europe, the “Islamic threat” became even more pronounced.The perception that Islamic-inspired terrorism is a real and imminent threat has contributed to a growing antagonism toward the resettlement of refugees, and particularly Muslims. When viewed through the lens of the CoC paradigm, victims of persecution can easily be transformed into potential threats. Insofar as Islam is understood as an external and even existential threat to the American way life, the admission of these migrants and refugees could be deemed a serious threat to national security.This paper will begin by examining some of Trump’s campaign promises and his efforts to implement them during the early days of his administration. Although the underlying rationale feeding into the contemporary reaction against refugee resettlement is unique in many respects, it is rooted in a much longer history that extends back to the World War II period. It was during this period that a more formal effort to admit refugees began, and it was over the next half century that the program developed. Understanding the historical backdrop, particularly insofar as its development was influenced by the Cold War context, will help to clarify some of the transitions that influenced the reception of refugees in the decades after the fall of the Soviet Union.Such an exploration also helps to explain how and why a CoC paradigm has become ascendant. The decline of the ideologically driven conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union has, according Huntington’s thesis, been superseded by culturally based conflicts that occur when competing civilizations come into contact. The conceptual framework that the CoC framework embodies meshes well with the cultural and economic dislocation felt by millions of Trump supporters who are concerned about the continued dissolution of a shared cultural and political heritage. It is important to keep in mind that the CoC paradigm, as a conceptual framework for understanding Donald Trump and his approach to refugee resettlement and migration more broadly, is at its core pre-political; it helps to define the cultural matrix that people use to make sense of the world. The policy prescriptions that follow from it are more effect than cause.[1] It is worth noting that proponents of the CoC worldview are just one bloc within the Trump administration, albeit at the moment an influential one. Other competing blocs (e.g., establishment Republicans) are also in the mix.


2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (9) ◽  
pp. 977-984
Author(s):  
John Lotherington

Robert Kagan's Of Paradise and Power is the latest attempt, following Francis Fukuyama's The End of History and Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations, to provide us with “The Answer,” an analysis of the way the world works to take away some of the pain of the uncertainties which have dogged us since the end of the Cold War. The pattern has been the same: first an article in a journal, striking a chord with a wider than usual readership and then the press in general, aided by an arresting sound-bite –(the titles in the case of Fukuyama and Huntington, the tag from the first page of Kagan's Policy Review article: “the Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus.”). It is through such caricature, given just enough resonance to contemporary anxieties and provoking just enough outrage, that a viewpoint can gain currency among the journalists and policy wonks who set the parameters of the policy debate surrounding governments and legislators. To reinforce academic respectability, the articles were then expanded into books, to reveal, or create, the philosophical and historical underpinnings of the original argument. The timing of these publications creating a stir is everything: those moments when the worrying complexity of international relations cry out for the simplicity which a caricature can offer, when there is a demand to make the hard-to-calibrate risks in world affairs comprehensible through their replacement by goals achieved or threats cut and dried.


1994 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
Mohammed M. Karabal

Every phase of American foreign policy has found its supporters inAmerican academia. The Cold War had its famous academicians who notonly justified American foreign policy at that time but later becameprominent decisionmakers. Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Baezinski arestill remembered as successful academicians who became policymakers.However, only one prominent scholar has been able to survive the ColdWar with his credibility intact while maintaining his influence on Americanforeign policy: Samuel P. Huntington.In his recent article on "The Clash of Civilizations" (Foreign Afsairs77:3), Huntington attempts to predict the scenario of the New WorldOrder that will have to be dealt with by the West. He then seeks to influencenot only American foreign policy, but that of the entire West. Hisopening argument is that the old topology of conflict will be replaced byconflicts of civilizations. The world will be divided according to existingcivilizations (i.e., western, Islamic, Confucianist, Hindu, Buddhist, LatinAmerican, and possibly African). He then MITOWS the list of enemies totwo civilizations: Confucianism and Islam. This short commentary willconcentrate on the reasons behind Huntington's article in order to uncoverthe decay that is eating away at the beautiful face of the West.The Supremacy of Western CivilizationFrom the beginning, Huntington attempts to convince the reader thatthe West represents a homogeneous culture. In addition, he infers that itsculture and civilization is desired because it is superior and therefore naturalfor it to dominate. Here, he lacks the necessary credibility to providea reason for such supremacy. Such a worldview is not new, for the samementality helped to form similar justifications for westem colonialism:"civilizing mission" and the "white man's burden" are the predecessorsto Huntington's arguments.Indirectly, Huntington calls upon the nonwestem world &I join westemcivilization. He assumes that some nonwestem civilizations might acceptwestem dominance faster and easier than others. The obstacles forjoining, which are most difficult for Islamic and Confucian societies, canbe traced to their cultures. He argues that such societies will not only rejectwestem civilization, but that they will develop their own economicand military capabilities through cooperation with each other. But whyshould he nonwestem world "join" the West, especially when "join," inHuntington's dictionary, means "dependent" or "servant" of the West, not ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-130
Author(s):  
Coline Covington

The Berlin Wall came down on 9 November 1989 and marked the end of the Cold War. As old antagonisms thawed a new landscape emerged of unification and tolerance. Censorship was no longer the principal means of ensuring group solidarity. The crumbling bricks brought not only freedom of movement but freedom of thought. Now, nearly thirty years later, globalisation has created a new balance of power, disrupting borders and economies across the world. The groups that thought they were in power no longer have much of a say and are anxious about their future. As protest grows, we are beginning to see that the old antagonisms have not disappeared but are, in fact, resurfacing. This article will start by looking at the dissembling of a marriage in which the wall that had peacefully maintained coexistence disintegrates and leads to a psychic development that uncannily mirrors that of populism today. The individual vignette leads to a broader psychological understanding of the totalitarian dynamic that underlies populism and threatens once again to imprison us within its walls.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


Author(s):  
Noor Mohammad Osmani ◽  
Tawfique Al-Mubarak

Samuel Huntington (1927-2008) claimed that there would be seven eight civilizations ruling over the world in the coming centuries, thus resulting a possible clash among them. The West faces the greatest challenge from the Islamic civilization, as he claimed. Beginning from the Cold-War, the Western civilization became dominant in reality over other cultures creating an invisible division between the West and the rest. The main purpose of this research is to examine the perceived clash between the Western and Islamic Civilization and the criteria that lead a civilization to precede others. The research would conduct a comprehensive review of available literatures from both Islamic and Western perspectives, analyze historical facts and data and provide a critical evaluation. This paper argues that there is no such a strong reason that should lead to any clash between the West and Islam; rather, there are many good reasons that may lead to a peaceful coexistence and cultural tolerance among civilizations


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4(13)) ◽  
pp. 51-60
Author(s):  
Ksenia Olegovna NEVMERZHITSKAYA ◽  

The media influence politics by providing intelligence and arena for political statements. Therefore, the danger of spreading false information and deliberate disinformation can have serious consequences. It is impossible to accuse specific media outlets of unfair coverage, but one cannot fail to note the existing resonance in media reports from different countries. Interpretations of the same events are radically different, while a journalist must rely on facts. The world is faced with the problem of global misunderstanding and information discord. Modern international broadcasting plays an important role in shaping the picture of the event for the world community. It is impossible to deny that the information agenda of many foreign broadcast media depends to some extent on a number of reasons: nationality, foreign policy of his state, profitability. Otherwise, the global media would not contradict each other. We want to track how modern foreign broadcasting builds its agenda and what principles it is guided by. Keywords: Broadcasting, media, Media agenda


Author(s):  
Matthieu Leimgruber

This chapter explores the trajectory of social policy development in Switzerland and its interactions with state-building and military conflict from the Franco-Prussian war of the early 1870s to the end of the Cold War. This analysis confirms that, despite the fact that Switzerland has remained untouched by war for more than 150 years, military preparation and the world wars have had a crucial impact in the shaping of the distinctive public–private mix that distinguishes the Swiss welfare state from its immediate neighbours. Periods of war thus coincided not only with an expansion of state social insurance but also witnessed the consolidation of existing private social provision. The chapter also highlights how Switzerland’s distinctive militia-based conscription contributed to forge a male-centred social citizenship that lasted for decades after 1945.


Author(s):  
Fabrizio Coticchia

Since the end of the bipolar era, Italy has regularly undertaken military interventions around the world, with an average of 8,000 units employed abroad in the twenty-first century. Moreover, Italy is one of the principal contributors to the UN operations. The end of the cold war represented a turning point for Italian defence, allowing for greater military dynamism. Several reforms have been approved, while public opinion changed its view regarding the armed forces. This chapter aims to provide a comprehensive perspective of the process of transformation that occurred in post-cold-war Italian defence, looking at the evolution of national strategies, military doctrines, and the structure of forces. After a brief literature review, the study highlights the process of transformation of Italian defeshnce policy since 1989. Through primary and secondary sources, the chapter illustrates the main changes that occurred, the never-ending cold-war legacies, and key challenges.


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